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Africa: Diplomacy Without Consequences

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The problem with the Rubio memo is not what it says about American attitude towards Africa, it is what it says about the country’s conception of itself and its historical mission as the world’s leading democracy.
It is quite possible that, in time, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s directive limiting U.S. State Department commentary on the “fairness or integrity” of most elections will come to be seen as the most momentous foreign policy action taken by the Trump administration in Africa. The dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)–and the arguable forfeiture of the “soft power” with which it was deeply imbricated–has been severely criticized. Yet, in defense of the administration, the agency was badly in need of reform, and, judging by the reaction of the African intelligentsia, critical judgment has all but turned against an agency seen by many as the institutional totem of African dependency.
That said, a directive that State Department officials refrain from commenting on the integrity of elections is a different beast, with implications that go beyond the problem of mere “interference” in the political affairs of other countries. The central problem raised by the directive is not, all said and done, about elections and American opinions of them, nor is it, as some commentators have advanced, about the tone of such statements and the need for Washington to tread carefully lest it comes across as telling people how to live their lives, more about which in a moment. On the contrary, what is at stake is whether, henceforth, the United States can be relied upon to be an advocate for democracy, rule of law, and governance by consent in a world in which pressure is mounting from the usual suspects for African countries to jettison those ideals.
The basic sentiment undergirding the argument that the United States should abstain from meddling in the affairs of other countries, especially poor African countries still smarting from decades of mistreatment and condescension, is a noble one. Many of those who push it are motivated by a genuine concern for the United States and its Western allies not to repeat the same diplomatic mistakes that have incurred the displeasure of many African countries and driven the same into the arms of its geopolitical rivals. An extension of the same argument is that Washington itself, being far from perfect, should desist from selling democracy to similarly imperfect countries.
The problem with this argument is that its conceptualization of “meddling” is so broad that no legitimate criticism of a particular regime is allowed, nor can any be countenanced. There is meddling, and there is demanding–which is not just acceptable, but mandatory in my opinion–that a hypothetical country or regime treat its people with dignity or respect the constitutional rights of human rights advocates, journalists, minorities, and so on. The case for permanent abstention in all but a minority of “rare” cases gives no guidelines as to how to distinguish between the two, and in so doing falls into the trap set by despots who seek to hide their moral atrocities behind precisely such pleas for non-intervention. No matter their intentions–and just to reiterate, I do concede that many of them mean well–advocates of non-meddling must own that the logic of their position puts them within the same ideological brackets as aspiring autocrats and full-blown authoritarians in Africa. The onus is on them to explain the difference between not speaking up about an electoral farce and giving moral succor to the dictator who stands to benefit from it.
The paradox that many people fail to grasp is this: America does not have to be perfect before it can ask illiberal regimes, whether in Africa or elsewhere, to clean up their act. Its preeminent position as the world’s leading democracy (its current travails notwithstanding) and chief enforcer of a liberal international order gives it that entitlement. Unfortunately, Secretary Rubio does not appear to get this. There is simply no way for America to “avoid opining on the fairness or integrity of an electoral process, its legitimacy, or the democratic values of the country in question.” America cannot long do this without avoiding unflattering comparisons with China and Russia, long seen as its geopolitical adversaries and, more important, its moral antipode in Africa. Does Secretary Rubio really believe that it is in American interest if African countries felt that there was nothing to choose between Beijing and Washington? Is there really nothing at stake for America when a leader shamelessly manipulates an election and runs the leader of opposition out of town? It may not be a problem for Beijing if people can’t tell it apart from Washington; it is definitely a problem for Washington.
America is at its best when it vigorously and unreservedly defends its founding creed, and when it sends a clear signal that it stands with those struggling to remake society in the name of that creed. If its involvement in Nigeria’s democratic transition remains evergreen in the hearts of prodemocracy advocates and human rights activists in Africa’s most important country (I should know, I was there), it is because Washington took the side of the Nigerian people against its morally bankrupt military elite. Eleke Cresent on Victoria Island in Lagos was not renamed after Walter Carrington, U.S. ambassador to Nigeria at the time, simply for effect. On the contrary, it was to honor the contributions of a man who, as the representative of the world’s leading democracy, spoke with moral clarity when Nigerians were desperate for an ally.
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America first does not have to be democracy last, and it is a mistake to think that American interest would be best protected if only it could just keep its counsel in the face of assaults on its core ideals, the defense of which, incidentally, it has committed tens of billions of dollars to in recent decades.
Secretary Rubio’s directive is a huge step back for the United States, and it is especially unfortunate coming at a moment when the anti-democratic coalition across Africa appears to be strengthening. Not only does the directive misunderstand what America is, it diminishes what the country has always stood for. It should be urgently reconsidered.
Read the original article on CFR.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: Land Is Africa's Best Hope for Climate Adaptation – It Must Be the Focus At COP30

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November 10, 2025

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Agriculture, forestry and other land uses together account for about 62% of Africa’s greenhouse gas emissions. At the same time, land degradation, deforestation and biodiversity loss are eroding Africa’s resilience.
But land – especially agriculture – has been on the margins of climate change initiatives. Even at the annual global climate change conference, land hasn’t featured much.
This is changing. In September 2025, Africa’s climate community met in Ethiopia, to agree on the continent’s climate priorities ahead of this year’s global climate conference, COP30. They agreed that land could be Africa’s most powerful tool in tackling climate change.
Much will depend on securing finance at COP30 for agroforestry, forest management and soil carbon restoration projects.
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Read more: Climate crisis is a daily reality for many African communities: how to try and protect them
I’ve been researching land for over 20 years. My research focuses on how to sustainably regenerate land, how community forest enterprises can combat deforestation, and how to rebuild forests as a way of combating climate change.
For this reason, I argue that COP30 must place land restoration and sustainable land management at the heart of the climate agenda. It should recognise that healthy soils, forests and ecosystems are not side issues to climate change. They are the very foundation of economic growth and making the world resilient to climate disasters.
Read more: Climate disasters are escalating: 6 ways South Africa’s G20 presidency can lead urgent action
This is especially critical for Africa, whose people and economies depend so heavily on the land. Agriculture alone, which is intrinsically tied to land, employs over two thirds of Africa’s labour force and typically accounts for 30%-40% of gross domestic product. Yet climate change disasters like prolonged droughts, rising temperatures and destructive floods are steadily eroding the land.
Millions of people in Africa could lose their farms, income, food, and future chances if COP30 does not recognise how land, nature, and climate change are all connected.
Why Africa must prioritise land and nature at COP30
Africa’s agriculture, the backbone of most economies on the continent, has been badly affected by more frequent droughts, floods and unpredictable rainfall. As a result, African countries sometimes lose an estimated 1%-2% of their gross domestic product in a year.
Over half of Africa’s population depends on crops that are fed only by rain. Therefore, extreme weather events hit the majority of Africans directly. At the same time, nearly half of the continent’s land area is degraded.
Read more: Indigenous knowledge systems can be useful tools in the G20’s climate change kit
This affects agricultural productivity and the livelihoods of around 500 million people.
Forest ecosystems such as the Congo Basin, the Guinean forests and Africa’s dryland forests are disappearing rapidly. This is already having devastating consequences for communities that rely on them for food, fuel and income.
Africa must negotiate climate finance with one voice
Adapting to climate change remains Africa’s most urgent priority. The good news is that African countries are already deploying land based actions (adaptation and using land to sequester carbon and reduce emissions) as a weapon against climate change. They are achieving this by expanding agroforestry, restoring wetlands and managing grasslands more sustainably.
This boosts soil health and increases the carbon stored in the ground. These projects are very useful in cutting greenhouse gas emissions, protecting livelihoods and building resilience.
The September 2025 second Africa Climate Summit made the continental emphasis on land official. Its Addis Ababa declaration placed land and nature-based solutions at the centre of Africa’s climate agenda. This was a step forward from Africa’s 2023 climate summit declaration, which made only passing references to land.
Read more: African countries shouldn’t have to borrow money to fix climate damage they never caused – economist
What’s needed now is for Africa to unite and focus on three key climate change areas:
What Africa needs to do at COP30
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Read more: African countries gear up for major push on climate innovation, climate financing and climate change laws
Peter Akong Minang, Director Africa, CIFOR-ICRAF, Center for International Forestry Research – World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF)
This article is republished from The Conversation Africa under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: African Union Commission Welcomes and Congratulates the Republic of South Africa As G20 Chair and Host

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November 10, 2025

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1. The African Union Commission (AUC) warmly expresses its support for the Republic of South Africa as G20 Chair and welcomes the country for hosting the G20 Summit in Africa for the first time. This milestone reflects South Africa’s growing role in global governance.
2. As the current Chair of the G20, South Africa has shown exceptional leadership in promoting the priorities of the Global South, advancing sustainable development, and strengthening inclusive global governance.
3. The Republic of South Africa is a vibrant democracy that upholds equality, human rights, and the rule of law. Its Constitution and policies reflect values aligned with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
4. South Africa is a nation rich in diversity, home to people of many races, cultures, languages, and faiths living together in unity. This inclusivity is a source of national strength and global admiration.
5. The African Union encourages all international partners to engage with South Africa and the wider African continent on the basis of mutual respect, truth, and constructive cooperation, supporting Africa’s continued contribution to global peace, development, and prosperity.
Read the original article on African Union.
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Africa: Governance Failures, Not Just Guns, Driving W/Africa's Growing Crises – Experts Warn

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November 10, 2025

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Abuja — Experts and peacebuilding stakeholders have raised the alarm that governance failures, weak state institutions, and exclusionary politics, not armed violence alone, are fuelling the wave of instability sweeping across West Africa.
They stressed that restoring lasting peace and security in the region will depend on inclusive governance, stronger regional collaboration, and community-driven solutions.
The warning came at the second edition of the West Africa Peace and Security Dialogue (WaPSED 2025), held in Abuja.
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The event was jointly organised by the Building Blocks for Peace (BBFORPEACE) Foundation, the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), the LAC-LAC Network of Niger Republic, the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflicts (GPPAC) West Africa, and the Society for Peace and Practice.
Speaking at the opening session, Dr. Joseph Ochogwu, Director-General of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), said the region’s lingering challenges; from violent extremism and political instability to climate-induced conflicts, highlight the urgent need for inclusive dialogue and homegrown approaches.
“Sustainable peace in West Africa requires strong regional cooperation and locally driven strategies. We must strengthen our institutions, empower communities, and integrate peace education into national development frameworks,” Ochogwu said.
He urged participants to move beyond mere discussions and focus on practical strategies capable of transforming the region’s security and governance landscape.
Also speaking, Mr. Rafiu Adeniran Lawal, Executive Director of the Building Blocks for Peace Foundation and Regional Coordinator of GPPAC West Africa, said the dialogue was convened to explore solutions to the diverse threats undermining stability across the sub-region, ranging from banditry and insurgency to democratic decline and economic hardship.
“Across West Africa, we face persistent herder-farmer clashes, banditry, and insurgency which have disrupted livelihoods and deepened food insecurity.
“Beyond Nigeria, the resurgence of military takeovers in Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea reflects a troubling democratic retreat and growing disillusionment with governance,” Lawal noted.
He explained that the 2025 Dialogue, themed ‘Reimagining Peace and Security in West Africa: Local Solutions, Regional Solidarity and Global Partnerships,’ was designed to promote community ownership of peace processes and strengthen collaboration among stakeholders.
“Our goal is to centre real actors and lived experiences. By harnessing local knowledge and regional solidarity, we can chart a new course that places people, not power, at the heart of peacebuilding,” he said.
Delivering the keynote address, Prof. Isaac Olawale Albert of the Institute for Peace and Strategic Studies and the TETFund Centre of Excellence in Security Management, University of Ibadan, said the region’s insecurity is deeply rooted in poor governance, weak leadership, and the failure of states to meet citizens’ expectations.
“The problem is not just a lack of weapons to fight insurgents; it is the weakness of our governance systems. Corruption, poor coordination, and elite competition over state resources have created governance vacuums that non-state actors now exploit,” Prof. Albert said.
He argued that lasting solutions require a balanced approach that combines local innovation, regional solidarity, and international support to tackle governance gaps, inequality, and institutional decay.
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“Peace and security cannot be sustained by governments alone. They must be co-owned by citizens, institutions, and regional partners who share a common vision for stability,” he warned.
Prof. Albert also called on governments to prioritise institution-building, promote accountability, and invest in effective local governance structures capable of addressing community-level grievances.
The dialogue brought together policymakers, security experts, civil society organisations, academics, ECOWAS representatives, and members of the diplomatic community.
Participants agreed that rebuilding trust between governments and citizens, strengthening democracy, and promoting transparent governance are essential for lasting peace in the region.
Read the original article on Vanguard.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 600 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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