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Africa: Covid-19 – We're No Better Prepared for a Pandemic Today Than We Were in 2020

Published

1 month ago

March 20, 2025

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On March 11 2020, the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 a pandemic. According to official data there have been more than 770 million cases of COVID, which have caused over 7 million deaths in 231 countries – almost 2.2 million of them in Europe. Other reports estimate that the number of deaths globally was much higher, perhaps even more than double.
We cannot rule out the possibility of a new pathogen causing another global health crisis. We do not know what will cause it or when it will happen, but no one doubts that there will be another pandemic. After all, human history is a history of pandemics.
Five years on from March 2020, many of us wonder whether we are better prepared for a new threat. The answer is clear: in some ways we are, but in others we are not.
What have we learned?
The COVID-19 pandemic triggered an unprecedented level of public-private collaboration. Never before had so much money and effort been jointly invested to develop vaccines. The speed with which mRNA immunisations were designed demonstrated that science and research work, and that if we put the right measures in place, they can be done in record time.
The speed of both bureaucratic procedures and medical trials should be an example for the future. If only the same could be done now to obtain a new vaccine against diseases like tuberculosis.
Read more: Europe had worst measles outbreak since 1997 – new data
The coordinated joint purchase and distribution of vaccines in Europe was also a success, one shudders to imagine how things would have been if vaccines had been managed in the same way as masks?
We have learned to work together. Most of the world’s research centres made their human and technological resources available to fight the pandemic, and there are currently more than 460,000 scientific articles on COVID-19 or SARS-CoV-2 in the PubMed database. This is four times more than on malaria, a disease we have been fighting for hundreds of years.
We know more about SARS-CoV-2 than about any other pathogen. Studies have also addressed many other aspects of the pandemic: economic, social, legal, political, ethical, and so on.
Moreover, advances in mRNA vaccine technology have brought about a revolution in biomedicine, not only for the development of new vaccines and formulations, but even for the treatment of cancer.
Read more: One of science’s greatest achievements: how the rapid development of COVID vaccines prepares us for future pandemics
One Health
The One Health approach to public health is about understanding the relationship between the health of humans, animals and the planet. While it is not new, the pandemic has given it new impetus and value. More than 75% of the new pathogens that affect us come from animals, and environmental, climate and ecological factors increase this flow of microorganisms.
If we want to protect ourselves from future threats, we need to monitor what is happening in the animal world, and how the environment influences it. This requires vigilance and cooperation between the health, veterinary and environmental sectors.
Two examples illustrate that we are partly learning the lesson: the control of the Mpox (formerly known as Monkeypox) epidemic in 2022, which affected 130 countries, and the ongoing surveillance of the H5N1 influenza virus in the animal world.
Read more: No, we’re not ‘one mutation away’ from an H5N1 bird flu pandemic – here are the facts
Where have we not improved?
In September 2020, the biologist Juan Ignacio Pérez Iglesias and I asked how we had reached the situation we were in. At that moment, some countries in Europe were leading both total case numbers and deaths in proportion to their populations, and we were already immersed in the second wave of the pandemic.
Even then, we were already highlighting some of the causes of the disaster. Unfortunately, five years later, we have still not improved in many respects.
The weakness of public health systems in some European countries remains of great concern. The pandemic highlighted the need for health personnel to strengthen primary care, reduce waiting lists, improve paediatric and geriatric services, and so on. We have made little progress in these areas.
Care homes for the elderly were especially hard hit. While they are not health centres, their healthcare services still need to be strengthened, as they house the most vulnerable (and increasingly numerous) segment of the population.
Research is vital
Research shortened the duration and intensity of the pandemic. Although there have been modest advances, a sincere and determined commitment to science is still lacking. We need to improve research degrees, reduce bureaucratic hurdles, and increase public-private funding.
European nations have recently committed to a huge increase in defence spending – military budgets of of 3%, or even 5%, of GDP are now on the table. However, a virus can be more lethal than even the most bloodthirsty dictator – this simple fact should spur leaders to push for a similar increase in spending on research and technology.
The pandemic itself became a political football, and fuelled much of tension that has fed rising levels of polarisation. The lack of leadership at the international level is overwhelming, and the global political situation is actually much worse than before the pandemic – the world is now plagued by wars, tariffs, faltering international cooperation and border walls that were much less present in 2020.
While reform of the World Health Organization – the only global institution on health issues – may be necessary, the solution cannot be for some countries to abandon it altogether.
The same can be said at the national level, as there are many obstacles to mounting a rapid and forceful response to any future health crisis. These include political tension, extremism, a lack of unity, consensus and leadership, and the impossibility of broad agreements or pacts with central governments. We saw this in in action during the aftermath of last October’s floods in Valencia.
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Pandemic denial: the ‘infodemic’
This political polarisation – where there are no greys, everything is black or white – has propelled an irrational wave of denialism. People align themselves with people who think like them, and refuse to critically evaluate the facts.
As researchers, we watch in amazement and astonishment as flat-earth theories come back into vogue and anti-vaccine movements grow in number. The pandemic of disinformation (the “infodemic“, as it has been dubbed) is not only alive and well, but seems to be on the rise. Improving the way science is informed and communicated to the public remains a priority.
Moreover, the COVID-19 pandemic did not affect different social groups equally. The most disadvantaged people suffered the greatest health, social and economic consequences. Efforts are still urgently needed to reduce these health risk inequalities.
On balance, we can therefore say that we are no better prepared for a pandemic than we were five years ago. Health is no longer individual, it is global. Viruses know no borders, and it it only through more research and greater cooperation that we can be better prepared for the next threats.
Ignacio López-Goñi, Catedrático de Microbiología. Miembro de la Sociedad Española de Microbiología (SEM), Universidad de Navarra
This article is republished from The Conversation Africa under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Africa: Expanding Market Access – Unlocking New Opportunities for Entrepreneurs

Published

2 hours ago

April 22, 2025

An24 Africa

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Sometimes, one opportunity is all it takes to change the trajectory of a business. For many women in the WCW Programme, 2024 has been a year of breakthroughs – where barriers gave way to bridges, and small businesses found space to grow.
Thanks to focused coaching and training, WCW entrepreneurs opened the door to over 10 new markets, generating opportunities valued at more than US$200,000. With tailored procurement support, they went even further – securing five supplier partnerships in Tanzania and seven in Zambia. These aren’t just numbers. They’re new deals signed, new shelves stocked, and new markets won.
Behind this progress is WCW’s strong belief in insight before action. Partnering with a leading service provider, the programme is helping entrepreneurs decode market trends, customer behaviours, and competitor landscapes. Through boot camps in six countries, women are now equipped with sharper strategies to position and promote their businesses like pros.
In the agriculture and agro-processing sectors, WCW is collecting critical data to pinpoint entry barriers, market concentrations, and competitive pressures. These insights are more than academic – they’re fuelling policy advocacy aimed at making it easier for small businesses to enter and thrive in high-potential sectors.
Support is also happening behind the scenes. WCW has brought in seasoned service providers to guide entrepreneurs in securing offtake agreements – particularly in agribusiness, where the potential to scale is massive. Plans to roll out a collective/aggregation model are also underway, giving smaller businesses the power to move together and tap into bigger supply chains.
Key Voices:
“The programme helped me focus on customer needs, allowing me to improve service delivery and expand my product range.”
— Participant from Tanzania
“The WCW-I programme has been helping me develop confidence, refine operations, and expand my market reach.”
— Participant from Zambia
With clearer pathways and stronger partnerships, WCW is showing what’s possible when entrepreneurs are given the tools – and the trust – to lead their own growth.
Read the original article on Graça Machel Trust.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 500 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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US to ban artificial food dyes in cereals, snacks and beverages

Published

2 hours ago

April 22, 2025

an24afri

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(BBC) US Health Secretary Robert F Kennedy Jr is set to announce a ban on certain artificial food dyes, according to a statement from the health agency.

Kennedy plans to announce the phasing out of petroleum-based synthetic dyes as a “major step forward in the Administration’s efforts to Make America Healthy Again” the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said on Monday.

No exact dates for the changes were provided, but HHS said Kennedy would announce more details at a news conference on Tuesday.

The dyes – which are found in dozens of foods, including breakfast cereals, candy, snacks and beverages – have been linked to neurological problems in some children.

On the campaign trail alongside Donald Trump, Kennedy last year pledged to take on artificial food dyes as well as ultra-processed foods as a whole once confirmed to lead to top US health agency.

The move comes after the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) earlier this year banned one dye, Red Dye 3, from US food and pharmaceuticals starting in 2027, citing its link to cancer in animal studies. California banned the dye in 2023.

Most artificially coloured foods are made with synthetic petroleum-based chemicals, according to nutrition nonprofit Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI).

Some of the petroleum-based food dyes include Blue 1, used in candy and baked goods; Red 40, used in soda, candy, pastries and pet food; and Yellow 6, also used in baked goods and drinks. Synthetic food dyes are found in dozens of popular foods including M&M’s, Gatorade, Kool-Aid and Skittles.

The only purpose of the artificial food dyes is to “make food companies money”, said Dr Peter Lurie, a former FDA official and the president of CSPI.

“Food dyes help make ultra-processed foods more attractive, especially to children, often by masking the absence of a colorful ingredient, like fruit,” he said. “We don’t need synthetic dyes in the food supply, and no one will be harmed by their absence.”

Companies have found ways to eliminate many of the dyes in other countries, including Britain and New Zealand, said former New York University nutrition professor Marion Nestle.

For example, in Canada, Kellogg uses natural food dyes like carrot and watermelon juice to colour Froot Loops cereal, despite using artificial dyes in the US.

How harmful the synthetic dyes are is debatable, said Ms Nestle.

“They clearly cause behavioural problems for some – but by no means all – children, and are associated with cancer and other diseases in animal studies,” she said.

“Enough questions have been raised about their safety to justify getting rid of them, especially because it’s no big deal to do so,” she added. “Plenty of non-petroleum alternative dyes exist and are in use.”

In 2008, British health ministers agreed to phase out six artificial food colourings by 2009, while the European Union bans some colourings and requires warning labels on others.

In recent months, Kennedy’s food-dye ban has found momentum in several state legislatures. West Virginia banned synthetic dyes and preservatives in food last month, while similar bills have been introduced in other states.

The post US to ban artificial food dyes in cereals, snacks and beverages appeared first on ZNBC-Just for you.

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Africa: Captain Ibrahim Traoré – the Soldier Selling Africa False Hope

Published

3 hours ago

April 22, 2025

An24 Africa

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Traoré’s anti-democratic posture is not a blueprint for development — it is a calculated strategy to entrench military rule under the guise of a populist revolution.
What Traoré is selling is not a radical reimagining of governance. It is an age-old authoritarian tactic: discredit democracy, invoke national pride, and suppress dissent — all while consolidating power… Since assuming power through a 2022 coup, Traoré has suspended political parties, cracked down on the press, and muzzled civil society organisations. He claims these actions defend national sovereignty and promote a “popular, progressive revolution.”
Clad in fatigues and fluent in fiery rhetoric, Captain Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso has emerged as a poster child of a new wave of African populism. To his supporters, he is a revolutionary — bold, youthful, and principled.
To the disillusioned youth across the continent, he offers a seductive promise: progress without the inconveniences of democracy. But behind the revolutionary slogans and Sankara-inspired aesthetics lies a far less romantic reality.
Traoré’s anti-democratic posture is not a blueprint for development — it is a calculated strategy to entrench military rule under the guise of a populist revolution. Let us be clear, Africa has every right to interrogate the forms and functions of democracy on the continent.
For decades, many African states have endured dysfunctional governance, hollow elections, and endemic corruption — even under democratically elected leaders. But that frustration must not be manipulated into legitimising authoritarianism.
What Traoré is selling is not a radical reimagining of governance. It is an age-old authoritarian tactic: discredit democracy, invoke national pride, and suppress dissent — all while consolidating power.
Since assuming power through a 2022 coup, Traoré has suspended political parties, cracked down on the press, and muzzled civil society organisations. He claims these actions defend national sovereignty and promote a “popular, progressive revolution.”
But there is little “popular” about a regime that stifles dissent and sidelines citizen participation. Beneath the rhetoric, his governance follows a familiar authoritarian script: glorify the military, delegitimise the opposition, and centralise authority.
His framing of democracy as a Western construct is both lazy and intellectually dishonest. Democracy is not a Western invention — it is a universal aspiration. It is not perfect — no system is — but it provides tools for accountability, the protection of rights, and peaceful transitions of power.
Traoré’s assertion that no country has developed under democracy ignores glaring counterexamples: India, Indonesia, Botswana, Mauritius, and even South Africa — imperfect democracies that have made tangible developmental progress.
Democracy is not the enemy of progress; bad leadership is. Traoré frequently cites China and Rwanda as models of authoritarian success. But cherry-picking these exceptions while ignoring the graveyard of failed autocracies is deeply misleading.
For every China, there are countless Zimbabwes, Sudans, and Libyas — nations brought to their knees by unchecked power. Even China’s economic gains have come at great human cost: widespread censorship, suppression of dissent, and the erosion of personal freedoms — trade-offs many Africans are neither willing nor ready to accept.
In truth, Traoré’s appeal is more symbolic than substantive. His military garb, rejection of Western aid, and Pan-Africanist slogans serve a performative function — designed to project the image of a revolutionary, while masking the repressive nature of his regime.
It is political theatre, expertly staged for a generation hungry for change but jaded by the failures of democracy. And let us not be fooled by his youth or populist flair. Africa has seen this movie before.
From Mobutu in Zaire to Mengistu in Ethiopia, the continent’s post-independence history is littered with military strongmen who promised renewal but delivered repression. They all began with charismatic appeals and revolutionary fervour.
They all ended with censorship, violence, and economic ruin. Traoré’s growing popularity among young Africans — many of whom have no memory of the brutality of past military regimes — is understandable, but dangerous.
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Disillusionment with democracy should fuel reform, not nostalgia for dictatorship. Africa does not need another soldier-saviour. It needs strong institutions, functional systems, and an empowered citizenry — not one infantilised by authoritarian paternalism.
If Captain Traoré is genuinely committed to African sovereignty and development, let him invest in institution-building. Let him empower an independent judiciary, uphold press freedom, invest in civic education, and be accountable to the people — not just through speeches, but through action.
Anything less is not leadership — it is manipulation. The truth is, democracy does not fail because it is un-African. It fails when it is hijacked by corrupt elites, undermined by weak institutions, and eroded by poverty and exclusion.
The solution is not to discard democracy — but to fix it, to deepen it, to make it real. That is the only sustainable path to development, dignity, and self-determination.
Umar Farouk Bala writes from Abuja. He can be reached via: umarfaroukofficial@gmail.com.
Read the original article on Premium Times.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica. To address comments or complaints, please Contact us.
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