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West Africa: Ecowas Breakup Could Push Up Food Prices and Worsen Hunger in West Africa

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The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) lost three of its founding members on 29 January 2025. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger comprised 16% of the bloc’s population of 424 million and 7% of its economy.
Some commentators have labelled their departure – first announced a year ago – as “Sahelexit“. The decision to leave Ecowas was made by the three countries’ military leaders and is now poised to take effect legally. The three countries have created the Alliance of Sahel States (Alliance des États du Sahel, AES), a mutual defence and security pact formalised through the Liptako Gourma Charter in 2023.
The decision to leave Ecowas was prompted after the military leaders launched coups against democratically elected leaders in Mali in 2021, Burkina Faso in 2022 and Niger in 2023. The Ecowas Democracy and Governance Protocol prohibits unconstitutional changes of government. The regional body therefore imposed economic, financial and travel sanctions on each country after each coup.
Food was exempted from the sanctions. But the resulting increase in transport times and other logistical hurdles contributed to substantial levels of food price inflation in the region. In Niger, for instance, the average market price of rice rose by 38% between July 2023, when sanctions were first imposed, and February 2024, when they were lifted.
Remaining Ecowas countries were also badly affected. Benin’s revenues at the port of Cotonou, the main transit source for goods going into Niger, fell dramatically. The sanctions on Mali badly hurt revenue generation at the port of Dakar in neighbouring Senegal.
All sanctions were lifted in February 2024. But the damage was done, and the three states began preparing their departure from the regional body.
Ecowas has given these three states a transition period until July 2025 in case they backtrack and want to return. But the Alliance of Sahel States leaders have said their decision is irreversible.
The exit from Africa’s largest political and economic union threatens to disrupt flows of goods, services and people. As a political economist who focuses on agriculture and nutrition policy in much of Africa, I worry that these developments will have serious consequences for food security in a region where almost 17 million children under five are already acutely malnourished.
Already, the cost of a daily nutritious diet in the three Sahel alliance countries is 110% higher than the daily minimum wage in the west African region. The countries are also among the world’s hunger hotspots. In early 2025, 7.5 million of their population were classified as in crisis, emergency or famine conditions.
The exit will also imperil regional cooperation on conflict. Insurgent attacks are moving further south of the Sahel.
This will reduce access to safe, affordable food and deter investments in agro-processing.
A blow to trade
The implications of exit are most obvious for trade relations. Although the three countries will remain in the eight-member francophone West African Economic and Monetary Union, they are departing the Ecowas customs union, which includes the region’s anglophone countries. A customs union removes tariffs among its member states and establishes a common external tariff on non-member states. Members experience freer trade with each other while protecting their domestic industries from external competition. Since 2015, import tariffs for intra-Ecowas goods have been eliminated. A common external tariff is levied on imports from non-Ecowas countries.
Leaving Ecowas means the three countries will have to adhere to the common external tariff rates for their imports into Ecowas member countries. They will also revert to using the World Trade Organisation’s Most Favored Nation rates on imports from Ecowas countries, which are higher for some categories of goods than the Ecowas tariff.
In other words, for some goods, including agricultural products, imports will be more expensive for all countries. The three states will be further hurt by the community levy, the 0.5% tax Ecowas imposes on goods from non-Ecowas member states to fund the bloc’s budget.
All three countries are landlocked. Leaving Ecowas means they lose access to ports like Tema in Ghana and Lagos in Nigeria. There will be implications for some of their biggest exports. For instance, almost 60% of Burkina Faso’s vegetable exports and 90% of its live animal exports go to Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire.
Ghana, along with Côte d’Ivoire and Benin, is a key export market for Niger’s onions. Niger also imports a large share of its food products from Nigeria, one of its largest trading partners in the region.
The tariff and levies therefore could increase the cost of food for consumers in both the Alliance of Sahel States and remaining Ecowas countries.
The withdrawal of the three countries will also affect food production through diminished access to electricity as well as wheat flour and edible oils. The trio face possible exclusion from the Ecowas West African Power Pool, which aims to increase members’ access to the regional electricity market. Burkina Faso and Niger import most of their electricity from Côte d’Ivoire and Nigeria.
Finally, the livelihoods of Sahelian migrants living in Ecowas countries remain uncertain. Due to the Ecowas freedom of movement protocol, more than 1.3 million Burkinabes and half a million Malians live in Côte d’Ivoire. Many of them run small, informal sector businesses to support their families back home.
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Future scenarios
Ecowas marks its 50th anniversary in 2025. What could the future look like?
Junta leaders are proposing various ways in which the relationship between the Alliance of Sahel States and Ecowas will proceed. For instance, they have claimed that they will maintain visa-free travel from Ecowas countries into theirs. But all 12 remaining Ecowas states would have to approve that proposal. The alliance also launched its own passport, but it’s not clear how Ecowas states will treat citizens who use it.
Another possible scenario is that they will negotiate bilateral agreements with their major Ecowas trading partners and with other countries that offer sea access, such as Mauritania and Morocco. This scenario obviously undermines efforts to enhance regional trade integration.
Finally, the problems surrounding the “Sahelexit” embody a larger set of tensions. These include whether political objectives should be embedded within trade arrangements — a debate also central to the possible renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act this year – and whether concerns over national sovereignty will undermine regional cooperation on increasing cross-border climate, conflict, and health threats to food security.
Danielle Resnick, Senior Research Fellow, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI)
This article is republished from The Conversation Africa under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 500 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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Mongolia to deepen ties with Zambia

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By Mark Ziligone

Mongolian President UKHNAAGIIN KHURELSUKH has reaffirmed his country’s commitment to strengthening bilateral relations with Zambia.

President KHURELSUKH says his country will remain committed to international cooperation particularly through platforms such as the United Nations and other global organizations.

He has highlighted key areas for potential collaboration, including mining, agriculture, and tourism sectors adding that they are critical to the development agendas of both countries.

President KHURELSUKH was speaking when Zambia’s ambassador to Mongolia IVAN ZYUULU presented letters of credence to him at State House in Ulaanbaatar.

The Mongolian President welcomed the Ambassador and expressed confidence that the new envoy will help deepen the diplomatic and economic ties between Zambia and Mongolia.

And Mr. ZYUULU praised Mongolia’s expertise in mineral exploration and sustainable agriculture, expressing Zambia’s interest in drawing lessons and forming partnerships for mutual benefit.

Meanwhile Mongolia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, BATMUNKH BATTSETSEG reaffirmed his country’s readiness to work closely with Zambia and to explore new avenues of cooperation.

This is contained in a statement issued to ZNBC News by Second Secretary for Communications at the Zambian Embassy in Beijing, China CATHERINE KASHOTI.

The post Mongolia to deepen ties with Zambia appeared first on ZNBC-Just for you.

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Africa: Trump Wants World to Subsidise US Empire

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Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia — Donald Trump’s top economic advisor claims the President has weaponised tariffs to ‘persuade’ other nations to pay the US to maintain its supposedly mutually beneficial global empire.
Geopolitical economist Ben Norton was among the first to highlight the significance of Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers chairman Stephen Miran‘s briefing at the Hudson Institute.
The Institute is funded by financiers such as media czar Rupert Murdoch, who controls Fox News, The Wall Street Journal, and other conservative media.
Miran made his case just after Trump’s electoral victory in A User’s Guide to Restructuring the Global Trading System. Miran attempts to rationalise Trump’s economic policies, which are widely seen as at odds with conventional wisdom and reason.
Enhancing US dominance
Miran defends Trump’s tariffs as part of an ambitious economic strategy to strengthen US interests internationally with a “generational change in the international trade and financial systems”.
“Our military and financial dominance cannot be taken for granted, and the Trump administration is determined to preserve them”. Miran claims the US provides two major ‘global public goods’, both “costly to us to provide”.
First, Miran claims US military spending provides the world a ‘security umbrella’ that others should also pay for. Second, the US issues the dollar and Treasury bonds, the main reserve assets for the liquidity of the international monetary and financial system.
Miran seems blissfully unaware of longstanding complaints of US ‘exorbitant privilege’. The dollar’s reserve currency status has provided seigniorage income to the US while Treasury bond sales have long financed US debt at very low cost.
Miran’s case for Trump
The White House has threatened others with high tariffs unless they make concessions, at their own expense, benefiting the US. Miran’s defence of tariffs is indirect, as part of an ostensible grand strategy.
“The President has been clear that the United States is committed to remaining the reserve [currency] provider”, Miran added. He claims US dollar hegemony is “great” and denies “dollar dominance is a problem”.
While this “has some side effects, which can be problematic”, Miran “would like to … ameliorate the side effects, so that dollar dominance can continue for decades, in perpetuity”.
For Miran, these side effects are supposedly largely adverse while ignoring the benefits to the US. Chronic US trade deficits have been possible and financed by mounting US debt, enabling the dollar to serve as a global reserve currency.
Hence, US trade deficits have been sustained since the 1960s, rather than “unsustainable”, as he alleges. US manufacturing has been “decimated” by its consumers and transnational corporations, not by an extensive foreign conspiracy.
Miran’s Guide acknowledged the ‘Triffin dilemma’. In 1960, Robert Triffin warned that the dollar’s status as global reserve currency posed problems and risks for US monetary policy.
He invokes Triffin to argue that the US must import more than it exports to provide liquidity to the world, which needs dollars for international trade and to hold as reserves.
Miran adopts the Trumpian narrative of only blaming others. However, the US expected to benefit from continuing trade surpluses at Bretton Woods. In 1944, it opposed alternative payments arrangements to deter excessive trade surpluses.
US trade deficits have grown since the 1960s with post-World War II reconstruction of the Global North and uneven ‘late industrialisation’ in the Global South.
The empire must pay
The Trump administration wants to eat its cake and still have it. It intends to strengthen US empire while minimising adverse side effects and costs.
Miran wants foreign nations to “pay their fair share” in five ways. First, “countries should accept tariffs on their exports to the US without retaliation”. Tariffs provide revenue, which has financed its global public goods provision. Second, they should buy “more US-made goods”.
Third, they should “boost defense spending and procurement from the US”. Fourth, they should “invest in and install factories in America”. Fifth, they should “simply … help us finance global public goods”, i.e., foreign aid should go to or via the US.
Miran then emphasises that Trump “will no longer stand for other nations free-riding”, and calls for “improved burden-sharing at the global level”.
“If other nations want to benefit from the US geopolitical and financial umbrella, then they need to … pay their fair share”, i.e., the world must “bear the costs” of maintaining US empire.
Trump dilemmas 2.0
Trump wants to use tariffs to force countries with trade surpluses with the US to buy more from the US. Ending these deficits would undermine dollar hegemony, which, paradoxically, Trump obsessively wants to preserve.
Miran wants other countries to convert their US Treasury bills into 100-year bonds at very low interest rates, effectively subsidising the US over the long term. He also wants nations running trade surpluses with the US to buy more long-term US Treasury securities.
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Trump has threatened 100% tariffs on BRICS members and all countries promoting de-dollarisation or undermining dollar hegemony in the international monetary system.
During his first term, Trump wanted to do the near-impossible by boosting exports while preserving a strong dollar!
Miran acknowledges that the “root of the economic imbalances lies in persistent dollar overvaluation that prevents international trade balancing”. But he also insists that dollar “overvaluation is driven by inelastic demand for reserve assets”.
Trump now hopes to kill both US trade and fiscal deficit birds by cutting imports and raising revenue with higher tariffs. He also wants the world to continue using dollars despite the US budget and trade deficits and policy uncertainties.
Meanwhile, official US debt, financed by selling Treasury bonds, continues to grow. Trump has to deliver his promised tax cuts soon before his earlier measures run out. Trump is falling foul of his bluster and may have to revert to the status quo ante while denying it.
Despite Miran’s best efforts, he cannot provide a coherent rationale for Trump’s rhetoric. But dismissing Trump as ‘mad’ or ‘stupid’ obscures the impossible dilemma due to and obscured by post-war US dominance.
IPS UN Bureau
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
Read the original article on IPS.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica. To address comments or complaints, please Contact us.
AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 500 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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HH Media Freedom Stance Applauded

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By Joy Nyambe

The Media Self-Regulation Council of Zambia -MSCZ- has welcomed the statement by President HAKAINDE HICHILEMA, who says he is totally and unequivocally opposed to the Zambia Institute of Journalism Bill.

Media Self-Regulation Council of Zambia Chairperson KENNEDY MAMBWE has commended the President for swiftly weighing in and stating a clear Government position.

Mr. MAMBWE believes the President’s statement brings finality to the media regulation debate.

He says in a statement that MSCZ remains committed to the promotion of ethical and professional journalism in Zambia.

Mr. MAMBWE said hundreds of journalists across the country as well as media houses are currently subscribed to a professional Code of Ethics.

He further said a self regulatory mechanism is fully operational with the Media Ethics and Complaints Committee comprising eminent professionals headed by Legal Counsel SAM MUJUDA, currently adjudicating on public complaints against any media misconduct.

Mr. MAMBWE has assured the Government and President HICHILEMA in particular, of the MSCZ’s utmost and unwavering commitment to the promotion of the highest standard and ethical journalism in Zambia.

 

The post HH Media Freedom Stance Applauded appeared first on ZNBC-Just for you.

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