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East Africa: US-Horn of Africa Dilemmas

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Debating Ideas reflects the values and editorial ethos of the African Arguments book series, publishing engaged, often radical, scholarship, original and activist writing from within the African continent and beyond. It offers debates and engagements, contexts and controversies, and reviews and responses flowing from the African Arguments books. It is edited and managed by the International African Institute, hosted at SOAS University of London, the owners of the book series of the same name.
With the return of Donald Trump, existing alignments are undergoing serious scrutiny, as reaction to real and imagined orientations of the new administration in Washington. It is safe to presume that the US-China relationship will assume centre stage; and that Washington’s interactions with the EU and NATO will encounter serious setbacks. Simultaneously, US relations with Moscow might assume a different direction; and ties with Israel could be reinvigorated. These will impact ongoing geopolitical tussles across the globe, including contestations in the Far East, Eastern Europe and the Middle East. Doubts are already resurfacing about the conduct and course of the US involvements in Ukraine, and the Israel-Palestine conflict.
African affairs were not top of the agendas of consecutive governments in Washington. Engagements with the continent appear predominantly reactions to the growing involvement of third parties including China, Russia and the Gulf states. Acute security and geostrategic considerations inform the engagement matrix. Intermittent attempts often prioritized one-size-fits-all US-Africa summits; or targeted interactions with specific actors deemed vital to America’s strategic military and/or political interests. Pledges to recast the entire interaction on joint economic development ventures have failed to acquire necessary traction. Overall, the incoming administration is not expected to introduce new approaches in matters pertaining to Africa.
African affairs are increasingly assuming centre stage, primarily as a result of the desire by regional and global powers to sway strategic favours in the continent. One has to factor in the overall dynamics involving the Sahel, Great Lakes region, the Nile basin and the Red Sea-Indian Ocean littoral. Emerging alignments, both local and international, reflect the acute desire to ascertain control over the associated geostrategic assets the continent holds in store. The BRICS + now have three major African nations – South Africa, Egypt and Ethiopia – as full members, and recently enlisted Nigeria, Algeria and Uganda as partners. This is not an easy feat in light of the China-Russia-India collaboration, and the Saudi Arabia-UAE-Iran axis in the making. Incessant calls to overhaul the prevailing international order, controlled by the West, and ensuing efforts at de-dollarization, are bound to create seismic shockwaves across the geopolitical divide.
The last couple of years have witnessed fewer interactions between the US and Africa. President Obama’s tenure failed to live up to expectations; the application of AGOA and the Libya fiasco defined the extreme points in the overall legacy. Subsequent administrations proved inconsequential, handling handpicked African dossiers from afar primarily as a reaction to the involvement of third parties. Military operations in the Sahel have visibly encountered deadlock and attempts at relocating the overall operational theatre to Kenya appear premature. Courting President Ruto as the new foster child of American security ventures in Eastern and Central Africa, and the Sahel region, has yet to register the desired end goal. Efforts at enlisting Somalia under this framework, with security and financial packages in place, await the test of time. The vital role Egypt traditionally assumes in the affairs of the Middle East as well as Northeast Africa is increasingly assuming defensive postures.
Outstanding geostrategic alignments in Northeast Africa in general and the Horn in particular are bound to undergo altercations with the second Trump presidency. Positive anticipations might abound in Cairo, hopeful of continuing the legacy of closer affinity during the first term. President Sisi is expected to re-enlist Washington’s endorsement on matters pertaining to the Nile controversy and Red Sea dynamics. Kenya will strive to maintain Washington’s favour as the new epicentre of regional peace and security matters. Somalia has little option other than ingratiating Washington in its drive for security sector reform. All hinges on the foreign policy orientation of the incoming administration.
Egypt’s recent vitality in the Israel-Palestine crisis as well as the overall geopolitical tussle in the Middle East/Gulf have proven below par, diminishing its overall rating as a key player in the larger region. Increasingly crowded out of the geopolitical space across the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, Cairo’s attention has been diverted southwards towards the greater Horn. Here, its engagements proved more confrontational and divisive than constructive, in the process making it less viable an alternative to what Washington might seek in the immediate future.
Kenya’s political and economic posture leaves much to be desired for it to assume the role of anchor state in the region. President Ruto has yet to scale the internal challenges to pursue the ‘peace diplomacy’ agenda. Getting the opposition leader, Raila Odinga, out of the picture on the home front, presumably as the next chairperson of the AU, is the immediate litmus test for the success of his political ambitions.
Somalia’s regional interplays, propelled by calculated repositioning against Ethiopia’s gamble to acquire sovereign access to the sea through the breakaway state of Somaliland, have generated more complications. Out of desperation, Mogadishu has invited irreconcilable regional actors like Egypt and Turkey to its shores; and has entered into a delicate trilateral alignment with Egypt and Eritrea. Estrangements between the Federal Government of President Hassen Shiek Mohammud and the Federal Member States (FMS) has never been tense. As a result, the impending transition from African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to Africa Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), in light of Ethiopia’s place therein, remains the real manifestation in the overall geostrategic tussle in the peace and security architecture of Somalia and the immediate region.
The US-Africa Command Base at Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti remains a key strategic installation to monitor developments across the Red Sea divide, especially in the Horn of Africa. This potentially diminishes the prospect for another military base in Kenya. Likewise, the Trump administration is expected to pursue a one-Somalia policy, in the process delaying Somaliland’s bid for de jure independence in the immediate future. But there remains a real chance of US constructive engagement with Eritrea primarily to ward off Russia and China from securing strategic posts in the northwestern shores of the Red Sea. In which case Ethiopia risks the real threat of being the sore loser out of the whole dynamic.
The Ethiopian premier was among the first world leaders to congratulate Trump on his victory. This does not change the fact that objective realities are not conducive to cordial relationships between the two countries. Experiences during the first Trump tenure proved difficult, and additional flashpoints emerged afterwards. A significant factor in this regard is the drastic change in allegiances of the Ethiopian diaspora in the US. Local uncertainties as well as the wavering foreign policy and international relations posture of the regime in Addis Ababa have contributed to the impasse. There exists visible failure on the part of Ethiopia to appraise the US and the West in general, while efforts to ingratiate the likes of China and Russia remain non-committal and below par.
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The US-Ethiopia rapport basically stems from the latter’s actual and imagined place as key player in the peace and security architecture of the immediate region. Curbing terrorism and extremism in Somalia, bringing about comprehensive political settlement in South Sudan, keeping Eritrea at bay, and playing a stabilizing role in Sudan were among the expectations. Ethiopia’s traditional leadership roles within IGAD and the AU, as well as its historic presence in global multilateral forums including the UN and the Non-Aligned movement, have made it a force to be reckoned with. Consultations and even decisions on the affairs of the Horn necessitated Ethiopia’s active involvement, which has not recently been the case. Given this reality, it would not be surprising to witness the continuation of the same non-committal interaction with the upcoming US administration.
Critical point of departures in the relationship matrix are how Washington handles the GERD/Nile utilization issue, the Somaliland dossier, the composition and mandate of AUSSOM, Eritrea, and the Sudan war. Ethiopia’s wobbly regional posture in regard to these flashpoints might determine the course of the Addis-Washington interaction in the months and years to come. There remains a stark possibility of the relationship matrix being an extension of US policy orientations towards much bigger regional and global actors operating in the greater Horn notably the Gulf States, China and Russia. Nonetheless, the unpredictable nature of the two administrations, and their far-right, populist, and neo-national dispositions might inform future engagements.
Dr. Belete Belachew Yihun is a foreign policy and international relations analyst specializing on the Horn of Africa and Middle East/Gulf. He currently resides in the U.S.
Read the original of this report, including embedded links and illustrations, on the African Arguments site.
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Africa: New Dawn for Health Security and Sovereignty in Africa As Stakeholders Convene At Manufacturing Forum

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The 2nd Vaccine and Other Health Products Manufacturing Forum, organized by Africa CDC, Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, the Regionalized Vaccine Manufacturing Collaborative (RVMC), and the Unified Procurement Authority of Egypt (UPA), has concluded in Cairo, Egypt. The three-day forum convened African Union (AU) Ministers of Health, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), African vaccine manufacturers, policymakers, regulatory authorities, and international partners to discuss strategies to accelerate the development of a sustainable vaccine and health products manufacturing ecosystem in Africa.
The stakeholders reviewed progress, opportunities, and strategies to remove barriers that have held back regional manufacturing in the past, such as reforms to the region’s regulatory environment, continental demand and access to finance.
Key milestones since the 1st Manufacturers Marketplace for Vaccine Manufacturing, held in Morocco in 2023, Africa’s health products manufacturing sector has made significant progress, including:
A Collaborative Effort towards Self-Reliance
“Today’s meeting represents another step forward in Africa’s journey toward health security. At Gavi, we are committed to playing our role in this multisectoral effort to invest and build capacity across the value chain. Building a sustainable vaccine and health products manufacturing ecosystem would not only help meet the continent’s health needs, it would also deliver economic growth and enable African nations to take charge of their health futures,” said Dr Sania Nishtar, Chief Executive Officer of Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance.
“Africa’s health security depends on our ability to manufacture the vaccines and health products we need right here on the continent. By strengthening regulatory frameworks, securing sustainable financing, developing and fostering strategic partnerships, we are laying the foundation for a self-sufficient manufacturing ecosystem. Africa CDC remains committed to advancing this agenda, ensuring that no country is left behind in the pursuit of health sovereignty and security,” said H.E. Dr. Jean Kaseya, Director-General, Africa CDC.
“RVMC is proud to co-host this event with our esteemed partners. While the world may not feel unified at present, the actions and ambitions from this year’s forum pave the way for achieving Regionalized Vaccine Manufacturing on the African continent, thereby improving vaccine equity and health security for all. Progress will require bold leadership and innovative ideas, but RVMC is energized by the enthusiasm of this forum,” said Dr Frederik Kristensen, Managing Director of the Regionalized Vaccine Manufacturing Collaborative.
“This forum is a testament to our collective determination to build a resilient, self-reliant, and sustainable healthcare ecosystem for our continent. It takes place at a crucial time, amidst significant milestones that are reshaping Africa’s health manufacturing landscape,” said Dr Hisham Stait, Chairman of UPA
While challenges such as market fragmentation, financing gaps, and workforce shortages persist, Africa’s pharmaceutical industry holds immense potential to serve its 1.4 billion people effectively. The forum reaffirmed the commitment of stakeholders to address these barriers and accelerate efforts toward a resilient, self-sufficient health products manufacturing ecosystem in Africa.
Notes to Editors:
Communique from inaugural forum: Inaugural Ministerial Working Group Meeting at the First Manufacturers Marketplace for African Union Member States on the proposed Legal Instrument for the adoption of the African Union Pooled Procurement Mechanism
About Partners
Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC)
The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) is a public health agency of the African Union. It is autonomous and supports member states in strengthening health systems. It also works to improve disease surveillance, emergency response, and disease control.
Learn more at: http://www.africacdc.org and connect with us on LinkedIn, Twitter, Facebook and YouTube.
Learn more about: Partnerships for African Vaccine Manufacturing Framework for Action
Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance
Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance is a public-private partnership that works to vaccinate more than half the world’s children against some of the world’s deadliest diseases. The Vaccine Alliance brings together developing countries and donor governments, the World Health Organization, UNICEF, the World Bank, the vaccine industry, technical agencies, civil society, the Gates Foundation and other private sector partners. View the full list of donor governments and other leading organisations that fund Gavi’s work.
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Learn more at www.gavi.org and connect with us on Facebook and X (Twitter).
Regionalized Vaccine Manufacturing Collaborative
In 2022, the World Economic Forum (WEF), the US National Academies of Medicine (NAM), and the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) launched the Regionalized Vaccine Manufacturing Collaborative (RVMC) with support from various partners. After a successful incubation at WEF, the RVMC Secretariat is now hosted by CEPI. The initiative aims to achieve global vaccine equity and health security through regional manufacturing and supply chain networks, ensuring readiness for future outbreaks. RVMC operates across Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and South-East Asia, working to align, advocate, advise and coordinate efforts among partners toward regional vaccine manufacturing. Learn more at www.rvmc.net and connect with us on LinkedIn.
UPA
The Egyptian Authority for Unified Procurement, Medical Supply, and Management of Medical Technology (UPA) is a governmental organization dedicated to promoting and developing Egypt’s healthcare system. Its role includes ensuring the supply of health technology products, combating monopolistic practices, and supporting industry growth by procuring pharmaceuticals, medical supplies and equipment for the public sector. This contributes to improving the overall health of patients in Egypt.
Read the original article on Africa CDC.
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Africa: Reimagining Health Financing in Africa – Navigating the Aftermath of the U.S. WHO Withdrawal

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The United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO) and 90-day pause in foreign aid programmes following President Donald Trump’s re-election have sparked a global health debate. While critics warn that this decision threatens Universal Health Coverage (UHC), the commitment to ‘leave no one behind’ others see an opportunity for Africa to accelerate its vision of a new public health order focused on self-sufficiency.
Could this geopolitical development catalyse a paradigm shift, with African health systems moving from donor-dependency towards self-reliance, thereby strengthening the region’s health security and contribution to global health?
Progress toward achieving UHC, a guarantee that populations have access to quality health services without financial hardship, has been disturbingly off track. The “Tracking Universal Health Coverage: 2023 Global Monitoring Report” paints a bleak picture: 4.5 billion people globally cannot access affordable, quality care when they need it. Even worse, 2 billion people face financial hardship, with 1.3 billion of them being pushed into poverty by out-of-pocket health expenses.
For developing countries with poorly funded healthcare systems and high dependency on foreign aid for critical health programmes -such as Tuberculosis, Malaria, maternal and child health, and HIV/AIDS- the funding cut or reduction from the United States could pose an even more pressing global health issue.
However, while it exposes vulnerabilities in donor-dependent systems, it also presents a timely opportunity to reimagine and strengthen health sovereignty aligned with the new public health order. This will require a whole-of-society approach, driven by strong political commitment and civil society participation.
2025 and the global health financing landscape
The U.S., the WHO’s largest funder, has driven life-saving global health initiatives, including the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which saved 26 million lives and enabled 5.5 million HIV-free births. With over $640 billion spent in foreign aid from 2012 to 2022, its withdrawal threatens global health diplomacy and sparks opposition. Legal experts have argued that President Trump cannot unilaterally exit the WHO without congressional approval, as the U.S. joined through a 1948 joint resolution. Congress is now pursuing measures to block the move, underscoring the WHO’s indispensable role in global health security.
Image credit: Nigeria Health Watch
In response to the U.S. pause on foreign aid and retreat from the Paris Agreement, the WHO plans to reassess costs, urging the international community to pursue innovative financing. While philanthropic groups are pledging to address the funding gap, with emerging economies like BRICS nations potentially stepping up, their efforts must extend beyond financial support to include technical collaboration and knowledge sharing.
Time to focus on the African response?
This recent geopolitical shift exposes the vulnerabilities of Africa’s heavy reliance on foreign aid to realise its commitment to UHC, underscoring the urgent need to “not let this crisis go to waste” by strengthening health sovereignty.
Africa’s proactive response to COVID-19 demonstrated its capacity for regional coordination and innovation. Initiatives such as the African Vaccine Acquisition Task Team (AVATT) and the Africa Medical Supplies Platform (AMSP) highlighted the continent’s commitment to self-reliance. However, the pandemic also exposed deep vulnerabilities, including the overdependence on external sources for critical medical supplies, with less than 1% of vaccines manufactured locally.
In response, countries including Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Senegal, South Africa, Uganda, and Rwanda initiated steps to boost local vaccine production, with Nigeria more recently, initiating policy measures to unlock its healthcare value chain. Speaking at the 2025 World Economic Forum, Kashim Shettima, Nigeria’s Vice President reiterated the need for Africa to move beyond foreign aid and embrace partnerships rooted in equality and self-reliance. Similarly, Dr. Jean Kaseya, Africa CDC Director General, emphasised the need for domestic resource mobilisation, in the wake of the geopolitical shift. He stated that “I’m glad to announce that our Heads of State will meet on the 14th of February in Addis Ababa to discuss domestic resources for Africa and how to provide appropriate funding to Africa CDC and African Medicine Agency.”
Africa’s new public health order, introduced in 2021, provides a framework to consolidate these gains, by focusing on institutional strengthening, local manufacturing, and increase in domestic financing for health. However, achieving health sovereignty goes beyond financial independence — it demands the capacity to design, implement, and sustain programmes tailored to Africa’s unique contexts.
Collaborative path forward: Role of civil society organisations
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) are indispensable allies in advancing UHC goals, serving as watchdogs and bridges between underserved communities and policymakers. U.S.-funded CSOs, whose work directly impacts vulnerable populations, were abruptly told to halt operations, disrupting essential health interventions. In response, swift, and strategic advocacy efforts led to a life-saving waiver on emergency services from the U.S States Department, demonstrating that decision-makers recognised the potential harm of an outright freeze.
Image credit: Nigeria Health Watch
In Nigeria, the Federal Executive Council approved ₦4.8 billion for HIV/AIDS treatment and formed a multi-ministerial committee to sustain health programs impacted by U.S. policy shifts. This signals a move toward domestic health financing, creating a pivotal moment for CSOs to advocate for sustainable funding, transparency, and efficiency. Seizing this opportunity, the Nigeria UHC Forum — a coalition of indigenous CSOs — is moving to explore resilient financing pathways amid donor uncertainty, by convening a health financing policy dialogue this month.
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CSOs in Nigeria have demonstrated their capacity to shape impactful health reforms. The Health Sector Reform Coalition, for instance, led the development of the Basic Health Care Provision Fund Accountability Framework, ensuring transparency in the allocation and use of ₦12.9 billion earmarked for the fund. Similarly, advocacy by CSOs like the Centre for Social Justice catalysed the 2022 passage of the National Health Insurance Act, marking a critical moment in expanding access to health insurance and reinforcing Nigeria’s commitment to leave no one behind.
In light of shifting global dynamics, CSOs must take on an even more transformative role to reimagine Africa’s health systems, holding leaders accountable for their pledge of allocating 15% of their total expenditure to health, while fostering accountability, driving innovation, and amplifying local voices.
Read the original article on Nigeria Health Watch.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica. To address comments or complaints, please Contact us.
AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 500 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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4,500 teachers’ selection process ends next week

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By Mary Kachepa

The Teaching Service Commission- TSC- says the selection process for the recruitment of 4,500 teachers will be completed next week.

TSC Chairperson, DAPHNE CHIMUKA says Provincial and District education Officials are currently in Chilanga District were the selection process is underway.

Ms CHIMUKA says the selection process started two weeks ago.

She told ZNBC News in an interview that the teachers are being selected according to the needs of each District.

Ms. CHIMUKA said the teachers are being selected using the data base from the applicants that applied last year.

She said the recruitment of 4,500 teachers is budgeted for.

The post 4,500 teachers’ selection process ends next week appeared first on ZNBC-Just for you.

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