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Africa: Remembering President Jimmy Carter for His Roles in Liberia and the World

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Solon, a Greek philosopher, who is recognized as one of the fathers of democracy, once said: “No man should consider himself truly happy until he is dead.”
Solon believed that it is at the post of a person’s life (upon death) that the verdict comes out as to how well the individual lived with others for good or for bad. It is that time when those who knew or interacted with the deceased, or were impacted by the actions of the deceased reminiscence.
A recent example in Liberia was the November 28, 2024 death of Prince Johnson, a warlord turned politician, who was leader of one of the warring factions during Liberia’s civil war, which cost the lives of an estimated 250,000 people.
In the wake of Johnson’s death, public discussions about him generated high tension between those who saw him as a liberator who defended his people during the Liberian civil war, and those who thought he was a murderer responsible for the death of then President Samuel Doe and others. Amid escalated tension, there were reports of attempts to smuggle Johnson’s body from the funeral home by those bent on revenge – who wanted to mutilate his corpse – prompting the government to deploy security officers at the funeral home.
Accordingly, this article is in memory of former US President Jimmy Carter, who died December 29, 2024, at the age of 100. To God be the glory for the life of President Carter, which was mostly one of service to the cause of humanity to ensure democratic governance and improve the conditions of people around the world, including Liberia.
The passing of Mr Carter, a global humanitarian, who served as the 39th President of the US from 1977-1981, has been a major news around world because he greatly impacted the world for good or for bad, depending on anybody’s point of view.
In this light, this article is basically to remember President Carter mostly for his role in the affairs of my beloved country, Liberia, beginning with his one-day official visit to Liberia in 1978 during the administration of President William R. Tolbert.
Tens of thousands of Liberians, mostly students, lined the main route from the Roberts International Airport outside Monrovia to the Executive Mansion on Capitol Hill in Monrovia to give a rousing welcome to the US President. He rode in an open top limo with President Tolbert, waving to the adoring crowds.
An eighth grader in junior high school, I was among the thousands of students who lined the route waving Liberian flags to welcome the President of the United States, Liberia’s closest traditional friend. Liberia was such a peaceful and beautiful country, and Monrovia was a very clean city with electricity, piped water, medical, educational and other services operating efficiently.
President Carter arrived in Monrovia from Nigeria, becoming the first American President to officially visit sub-Saharan Africa. He said he selected Nigeria because it was the most influential and still is the most populous country in Africa, while he also selected Liberia because of its historical ties to the US, dating back to Liberia’s founding in the early 1800s by freed men and women of color from America.
During his presidency, Carter emphasized human rights in his foreign policy. Truly a man of peace, the 1978 Camp David Peace Accord between Israel and Egypt was considered the most significant foreign policy achievement of President Carter.
After he lost re-election to Ronald Reagan in 1981 due to domestic challenges, including high unemployment and inflation rates, along with the energy crisis the US endured at the time, the former president made his greatest impact on the world through The Carter Center (TCC). Established in 1982 by the former president and his wife Rosalynn Carter, TCC has been involved in helping to resolve conflicts, advancing democracy and human rights around the world, among others.
My first personal encounter with President Carter was in 1991 when he visited Liberia as head of the Carter Center, to help mediate a peaceful end to the Liberian civil war. The civil war started in December 1989 when rebels led by Charles Taylor, which styled themselves as the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), attacked Liberia from the Ivory Coast, seeking to overthrow the government of Samuel K. Doe. Then Master Sergeant in the Liberian armed forces, Doe himself came to power through a bloody military coup in which President Tolbert was assassinated and 13 senior officials of the deposed government were publicly executed by a firing squad.
When he arrived in Liberia on his first peace mission in 1991, we, as leaders of the Press Union of Liberia (PUL) during the early years of the war, were among representatives of several civil society organizations in Liberia who met with President Carter. He also met with then Interim President Amos C. Sawyer and officials of Dr Sawyer’s Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU), as well as Prince Johnson’s INPFL before heading to Gbarnga, Bong County, to meet with NPFL leader Charles Taylor. The NPFL had occupied about 90 percent of Liberia besides Monrovia, where the Nigerian-led West African peacekeeping force, ECOMOG, was in control of security in the capital and its environs.
Upon his arrival at the airport in Monrovia, where he was given an official welcome, President Carter told reporters that he was optimistic that peace would return in a few months to Liberia. Before departure for the NPFL headquarters in Gbarnga, President Carter’s public utterances regarding the message he was taking to Taylor for the restoration of peace in Liberia was very encouraging, hopeful and well received in Monrovia.
However, upon his return from Gbarnga after meeting with Mr Taylor, President Carter soon adopted a position that was favorably disposed towards the NPFL leader. Among other factors, Taylor was said to have exploited his Baptist connections to influence Mr Carter, who was known to be a devout Christian and a deacon in the Baptist Church. Carter reportedly began to regard Taylor as a true Christian, as Taylor advocated that he was forced to take up arms against an evil establishment and that his efforts to usher in an era of democracy was being undermined by political elements in Monrovia through the Sawyer-led IGNU.
Mr Taylor had portrayed Dr Sawyer and other key IGNU officials as socialists, who sought power to turn Liberia into a socialist state and thereby suppress democratic governance and the rule of law, as was the case in socialist oriented countries in Africa and other parts of the world. Taylor projected himself as a bulwark against a socialist takeover in Liberia.
From 1991-1994, President Carter made four trips to Liberia to meet with leaders of interim governments, including those that followed Sawyer’s IGNU, and heads of warring factions that emerged during the course of the crises.
And so, Mr Taylor was seen to have exploited President Carter’s goodwill to his advantage for many years during the civil crises. It was not after the United Nations investigations, strongly supported by the US government, which linked Mr Taylor to gun-running and regional destabilization, that President Carter finally realized that Taylor had deceived him, according to Mr Carter himself. In a letter before Taylor’s fall from power as President of Liberia, President Carter noted that he had come to realize, however late, that Taylor’s roles in Liberia and the West African subregion were destructive.
After Taylor was forced from power, bringing an end to the 14-year brutal civil war, the Carter Center enhanced its operations in Liberia, focused on providing financial, human and material resources to build Liberia’s democratic system, to ensure free and fair elections and the rule of law in the war ravaged country.
As a testament of his commitment to ensure free and fair democratic elections in Liberia, President Carter co-led the international observation mission jointly established by the Washington-based National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) and The Carter Center for the 2005 general elections in Liberia. The co-leader of the international election observation mission was former President Nicephore Soglo of Benin, who also presided over the Liberian peace process during his tenure as Chairman of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the 1990s. The 2005 political process saw the historic election of Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as Liberia and Africa’s first democratically elected female president.
The continued strong engagement of The Carter Center in Liberia is a demonstration of the late President Carter’s desire for Liberia’s democratic institutions to be strengthened.
It is also equally important to note that while President Carter is universally acknowledged and revered for championing human rights and democratic governance globally, including Liberia, there are those who have expressed reservations about his global activities.
Among Carter’s critics is a section of the Liberian intelligencia or intellectual community, who have felt that President Carter bore some responsibility for the prolonged civil war and its devastating consequences in Liberia because of his support for Taylor.
For example, when President Carter visited Liberia as co-leader of the joint international election observation mission during the 2005 elections, former Interim President Sawyer refused to meet with him. Dr Sawyer, now late, said he was very disappointed with President Carter’s role in the Liberian civil crises.
During the 2005 elections, I served as Program Officer for International Observation at the then NDI office in Monrovia. And so, in the wake of Dr Sawyer’s disposition that he was not interested in meeting with President Carter, I was dispatched to meet with Dr Sawyer.
During our meeting, I was able to prevail upon Dr Sawyer to agree to attend what was a high level meeting between top Liberian political actors and the observation mission, co-led by former Presidents Carter and Soglo. I reminded him that as leader of the PUL, I was a member of the IGNU delegation he led to one of those peace talks held in Cotonu, Benin, during the tenure of President Soglo as Chairman of ECOWAS. It was at that peace talk that a newly emerging armed faction, called ULIMO for short, which was led by Mr Alhaji G.V. Kromah, began to gain international recognition as a faction. I recalled how the now late Mr Kromah appeared in military fatigue at the presidential palace in Cotonou during the peace talks.
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After we reminiscence a bit, Dr Sawyer agreed to attend the meeting with President Carter and to use the opportunity of the meeting to express his misgivings regarding President Carter’s role in the Liberian peace process, which he did.
There has been another argument that it was during the administration of President Carter when the bloody 1980 military coup occurred in Liberia, which led to the assassination of President Tolbert, who was then the sitting Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the continental body renamed the African Union (AU). The US recognized the military junta and was seen to have established a very close working relationship with the military rulers during most of the years of the regime.
The 1980 military coup shattered Liberia’s once enviable image as one of the most peaceful and stable countries in Africa, and it was the beginning of the nightmare that has left the country almost completely destroyed.
Nevertheless, whatever may have been his shortcomings as he endeavored to play his part in a very difficult world, there can be little question that President Carter was a humanitarian who championed the cause of democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law around the globe.
To paraphrase Solon’s quote at the beginning of this tribute, President Carter should consider himself truly happy in death because he labored well in the cause of humanity.
May his soul, and the soul of his beloved wife Rosalynn Carter, rest in perfect peace. Well done, thou good and faithful servants!
The question to everyone alive is, how do you want to be remembered when the curtain closes?
About the author:
Gabriel I.H. Williams is a career journalist, former diplomat to the US and the author of two books, namely, “Liberia, The Heart of Darkness: Accounts of Liberia’s Civil War and It’s Destabilizing Effects in West Africa,” and “Corruption is Destroying Africa: The Case of Liberia,” both available online. He can be reached at gabrielwilliams028@gmail.com.
Read the original article on Liberian Observer.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: A Dream Deferred – Why Is Traveling Across Africa So Hard for Africans?

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Bulawayo — Aliko Dangote, Africa’s richest man, carries his frustration as visibly as he carries his passport.
To travel across the continent he calls home, he needs 35 visas–each a bureaucratic hurdle and a reminder of the barriers to free movement and trade in Africa.
“As someone who wants to make Africa great, I have to apply for 35 different visas,” Dangote lamented at a recent Africa CEO Forum in Kigali, Rwanda. His words echo the larger frustration of a continent grappling with the paradox of cementing regional integration while battling closed borders.
Nearly a decade after African leaders envisioned a borderless continent, the dream is largely unfulfilled.
Visa Woes
The 2024 Africa Visa Openness Index, launched recently in Botswana, is revealing: only four countries–Benin, The Gambia, Rwanda, and Seychelles–offer visa-free access to all Africans. Ghana has joined the list after it announced visa-free travel to all Africans in January this year.
Published by the African Development Bank and the African Union, the visa-openness index measures how open African countries are to citizens of other African countries based on whether or not a visa is required before travel and if it can be issued on arrival. There has been some progress since the first edition of the report, with several African countries instituting reforms to simplify the free movement of people across the continent.
About 17 African countries have improved on their visa openness, while 29 are instituting reforms on the issuance of visas for Africans, the Index shows. In 28 percent of country-to-country travel scenarios within Africa, African citizens do not need a visa to cross the border, a marked improvement over 20% in 2016
However, the cost of inaction is clear. Intra-Africa trade is at a low 15 percent of total trade, compared to 60 percent in Asia and 70 percent in Europe, according to research by the Economic Commission for Africa. Visa openness could boost intra-Africa trade and tourism while facilitating labour mobility and skills transfer and propel Africa to economic growth. For now, closed borders remain Africa’s stop sign to free movement.
Zodwa Mabuza, Principal Regional Integration Officer at the AFDB, noted during the launch of the 2024 Index on the sidelines of the 2024 Africa Economic Conference that visa openness was not about permanent migration but the facilitation of tourism, trade and investments.
“This is the sort of movement that we are promoting, in particular because we are promoting the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA),” Mabuza said.
Stop In the Name of Crime
Fears of illegal migration, terrorism, and economic disruption keep borders closed, despite evidence that such fears are often overblown, said Francis Ikome, Chief Regional Integration and Trade at the Economic Commission for Africa.
Ikome warned that without free movement of African people across the continent, AfCFTA is ‘dead on arrival’.
“We cannot discuss the concerns of security again, even though I think there is over-securitization of migration. When we talk about migration, we see security,” said Ikome. “When you are a foreigner and an African moves to the immigration officer, they see problems even before they look at your passport. Migrants are job creators; there are a lot of university dons, accountants and other skills that migrants bring to the table.”
Free Passage Paradox
Since the launch of the AfCFTA, a majority of African countries have not ratified the Free Movement of Persons Protocol launched in 2018 by the African Union and signed by 33 member states. Only four countries have ratified the Protocol.
Migration researcher Alan Hirsch highlighted that some richer African countries are more protective of their borders and several of the most open countries are island states or poor countries that do not expect immigration or can control it more easily. He said trust is needed between countries, which takes time and effort.
“The reluctance of some countries is related to their concerns about the quality of documentation and systems in some countries, fears relating to security issues as there are terrorist organisations in some parts of Africa, and fears that the visitors are economic migrants in disguise and will not leave,” Hirsch told IPS.
“There is a lot of progress in the regional communities in Africa. Borders are opening frequently on a bilateral or multilateral basis, as the visa openness index shows,” said Hirsch, an Emeritus Professor at The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance at the University of Cape Town.
Sabelo Mbokazi, Head of Employment, Labour and Migration at the African Union Commission, suggests that countries that promote free movement must be incentivised to do better.
“Who are we serving with all these visa restrictions? Are we serving the people or the politics of the day? Are we serving populations or our popularity? Are we serving the people around the continent or for profit? These are the paradoxes we see in Africa,” he said, citing that intra-African migration was at 80 percent, with 20 percent going to Europe or America but Europeans who came to Africa moved more easily than Africans.
That some Africans do not have passports and some are nomads, visa-free travel could be a logistical nightmare that many countries would do without. Africa has toyed with the concept of an African passport, which was launched in 2016. The passport has been issued only to African heads of state, foreign ministers and diplomats accredited by the AU.
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“Regional passports, such as the ECOWAS passport for the large West African community and the EAC passport for the growing East African community, were developed in recent times and are doing very well. It was probably too soon for an all-African passport, ” Hirsch said.
In analysis, stopping African travellers in their tracks is counter to regional integration aspirations, argues Joy Kategekwa, Director, Regional Integration Coordination Office, at the AfDB.
“The paradox of integration in Africa is we talk about pan-Africanism; we have a passion for it but we keep Africans closed out of it behind the visa.”
Tied to the free movement of persons has been the poor implementation of the Yamoussoukro Decision to liberalize air transport. Air connectivity in Africa is a nightmare.
Hirsch is optimistic that Africa can boost its development through trade and migration, admitting that opening African skies takes time.
“In addition to the African ‘free skies’ initiative and the free movement of persons protocol, there is the AfCFTA,” he said. “All three initiatives were agreed to in 2018. The AfCFTA is making some progress and could help pave the way for the other two initiatives.”
The stakes are high. The AfCFTA, meant to unite 1.3 billion people under a single market, risks failure. With closed borders and skies, a visa-free Africa is a dream deferred.
IPS UN Bureau Report
Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
Read the original article on IPS.
AllAfrica publishes around 400 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: Industrial Scale Farming Is Flawed – What Ecologically-Friendly Farming Practices Could Look Like in Africa

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African Perspectives on Agroecology is a new book with 33 contributions from academics, non-governmental organisations, farmer organisations and policy makers. It is free to download, and reviewers have described it as a “must read for all who care about the future of Africa and its people”. The book outlines how agroecology, which brings ecological principles into farming practices and food systems, can solve food shortages and environmental damage caused by mass, commercial farming. We asked the book’s editor and the South African Research Chair on Environmental and Social Dimensions of the Bio-economy, Rachel Wynberg, to set out why this book is so important.
What’s wrong with the current system of food production?
The dominant model of modern agriculture in the world is based on monoculture, where one crop is grown across large areas using chemical fertilisers and pesticides. It relies on seeds that are owned by big corporations and are often subsidised by governments at a high cost.
The book outlines how this approach to growing food is flawed. Firstly, it carries major costs. According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation’s State of Food and Agriculture 2024 report, the costs of diet-related disease, hunger and malnutrition and other costs amount to about US$8 trillion a year. Countries in the global south carry much of the burden.
Secondly, the current approach is a major contributor to greenhouse gas emissions. This happens through deforestation and land degradation, livestock and fertiliser emissions, energy use, and the globalised nature of agriculture. Food is often produced far from where it is consumed.
Huge farmlands also wipe out biodiversity and degrade one third of all soils, globally. Industrial agriculture has many negative impacts on ecosystem health, livestock and human wellbeing.
What’s the alternative?
Agroecology is a good alternative. It uses natural processes such as fixing nitrogen in the soil by planting legumes, and conserving natural habitat to encourage beneficial predators that keep pests in check. It includes planting a diversity of crops, rather than just one, to prevent pest outbreaks, and avoiding synthetic pesticides and herbicides.
Agroecology places importance on building natural, local, economically viable and socially just food systems. It aims to support farmers and rural communities.
Read more: Africa’s worsening food crisis – it’s time for an agricultural revolution
As a result, it fosters more equal social relations and improves food and nutritional security.
Agroecology also recognises local ways of knowing and doing things, and respects the rights of Indigenous people to seeds and plants that they have planted for many generations. Transforming research and education are an important part of agroecology.
What are the advantages?
Agroecology increases the capacity of farming systems to adapt to climate change. Studies show how agroecology increases crop yields, regulates water and nutrients, increases agricultural diversity and reduces pests.
It gives farmers more choice about what to grow and eat. This enables them to produce a wider variety of healthy food.
Can agroecology grow enough food for everyone?
Agroecology can be scaled up through:
Read more: Indigenous plants and food security: a South African case study
What needs to be done?
Urgent actions are needed, especially in the climate “hotspot” of sub-Saharan Africa. Agroecology needs supportive policies and funding. South Africa has had a draft agroecology strategy for more than 10 years but this has not yet been adopted.
Development aid for farmers often undermines agroecology. It typically promotes a “new” African Green Revolution that uses hybrid seeds, agrochemicals, new technologies, and links to markets. However, hybrid seed, especially genetically modified seed, can contaminate local seed systems that are better adapted to local conditions.
The book illustrates what can go wrong. Maize is said to have “modernised” development and promoted foreign investment in Africa. But it has displaced indigenous crops such as sorghum and millet which are more nutritious and drought-resistant.
Read more: Amazing ting: South Africa must reinvigorate sorghum as a key food before it’s lost
Subsidy programmes and state support for hybrid maize also back multinational agrochemical and seed companies.
Governments, industry and those funding research, innovation and consumer marketing must actively move away from a maize culture and invest in a bigger range of crops.
For millions of smallholder African farmers, there is a deep understanding of how animals, plants, soil, people and weather patterns are connected to and affect one another. Agricultural development programmes, chemical fertilisers, pesticides, and herbicides, and genetically modified seeds disrupt these relationships. They can devalue local knowledge and skills in favour of “expert”-led innovations. This means that farmers lose their capacity to understand their environment and their ability to react appropriately.
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Read more: Agriculture training in South Africa badly needs an overhaul. Here are some ideas
Lastly, agriculture research and training needs to be rethought. Research and development is now mostly shaped by market-led approaches that favour crops grown by large-scale commercial farmers. A public sector research and development agenda for agroecology needs to be developed. It should be based both on scientific knowledge as well as traditional and local knowledge.
What would help?
Agricultural research should be co-created by everyone involved. Farmer-led research and innovation can support food system transformations.
New ways of seeing and doing research are evolving. Western scientific and traditional knowledges are mixing in ways that can transform farming. Our book points out that social movements are emerging as a powerful force for change.
We hope to support these efforts through a new, four year, European Union supported initiative to establish a research and training network: the Research for Agroecology Network in Southern Africa. New agroecology knowledge networks in South Africa and Zimbabwe have also been started to coordinate research and develop curricula.
Rachel Wynberg, Professor and DST/NRF Bio-economy Research Chair, University of Cape Town
This article is republished from The Conversation Africa under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
AllAfrica publishes around 400 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: A New Chance to Expand Children's Access to Education

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New York — The International Day of Education, January 24, reminds us of the power of education to transform children’s lives, and to build vibrant, sustainable societies.
One of the most important–and simplest–things that governments can do to ensure children’s education is to make it free. In the 1990s, when many countries began to eliminate school fees at the primary level, they saw dramatic results.
Malawi, for example, abolished primary school fees in 1994, and within a year, enrolment had surged by 50 percent, with 1 million additional children enrolled. After Kenya abolished primary school fees in 2003, 2 million new children enrolled.
The sudden influx of new students strained education systems, challenging countries to train additional teachers, build more schools, and to ensure quality. But today, virtually all of the world’s children enjoy free primary education, and nearly 90 percent of children globally complete primary school.
Fewer than 60 percent of the world’s children complete secondary school, and about half miss out on pre-primary education, which takes place during the early years when children’s brains are rapidly developing, and provides profound long-term benefits. Existing international law–dating back more than 70 years–only guarantees free education for all children at the primary level
But it’s a different story for children at the pre-primary and secondary level, where cost often remains a significant barrier to schooling.
Fewer than 60 percent of the world’s children complete secondary school, and about half miss out on pre-primary education, which takes place during the early years when children’s brains are rapidly developing, and provides profound long-term benefits. Existing international law–dating back more than 70 years–only guarantees free education for all children at the primary level.
In Uganda, for example, our recent investigation with the Initiative for Social and Economic Rights found that most children miss out on pre-primary education entirely, because the government provides no funding for early childhood education, and families are unable to afford the fees charged by private preschools.
Without access to pre-primary, children typically don’t perform as well in primary school, are twice as likely to repeat grades, and are more likely to drop-out. Many of these children never catch up to their peers, exacerbating income inequality.
According to the World Bank, every dollar invested in pre-primary education can yield up to $14 in benefits. Early education boosts tax revenues and GDP by improving children’s employment prospects and earnings, and enables parents–especially mothers–to increase their income by returning to work sooner.
In Uganda, a recent cost-benefit analysis found that 90 percent of the cost of government-funded free pre-primary could be covered just through the expected reduction of repetition rates and inefficiencies at the primary school level. It concluded that “investments in early childhood have the greatest rate of return of any human capital intervention.”
As part of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), all countries have agreed that by 2030 they will provide access to pre-primary education for all, and that all children will complete free secondary education. But political commitments to free education are simply not enough, and progress is too slow.
A growing number of countries see the expansion of free education beyond primary school as an essential investment.
Ghana, for example, became the first country in Sub-Saharan Africa to expand free education to the kindergarten years in 2008, guaranteeing two years of free and compulsory pre-primary education.
In 2017, it committed to full free secondary education, and according to the latest statistics, now has the third-highest enrolment rate in Sub-Saharan Africa in both pre-primary and secondary school. Its free secondary education policy has reduced poverty rates nationally, particularly for female-headed households.
It’s no surprise that UNESCO reports that countries with laws guaranteeing free education have significantly higher rates of children in school. When Azerbaijan adopted legislation providing three years of free pre-primary education, for example, participation rates shot up from 25 percent to 83 percent in four years.
Given the proven benefits of free education, it’s baffling that approximately 70 percent of the world’s children live in countries that still do not guarantee free pre-primary and free secondary education by law or policy.
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In July 2024, the UN Human Rights Council approved a proposal from Luxembourg, Sierra Leone, and the Dominican Republic to consider a new international treaty to explicitly guarantee free public pre-primary (beginning with one year) and free public secondary education for all children
To be sure, a new treaty will not immediately get every child in school. But it will provide a powerful impetus for governments to move more quickly to expand access to free education and an important tool for civil society to hold them to account.
Negotiations for the proposed treaty are expected to begin in September. Governments should seize this moment to advance free education for all children, without exception.
Jo Becker is children’s rights advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.
Follow @jobeckerhrw
Read the original article on IPS.
AllAfrica publishes around 400 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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