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Africa: No Easy Courses for Chagos Consensus On Sovereignty and Security

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The Chagos Archipelago dispute is a microcosm of the broader tensions shaping global maritime geopolitics.
The United Kingdom’s (UK) October agreement to transfer sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius appeared to address longstanding international legal issues surrounding decolonisation and provide a pathway for the resettlement of the Chagossian community.
Yet, beneath the surface, the negotiation process reveals intricate undercurrents. These include the challenges of reconciling Mauritius’s sovereign rights with justice for the Chagossians and accommodating the strategic interests of the UK and United States (US) in maintaining their military foothold in the Indian Ocean.
While the agreement was initially lauded, it has faced significant criticism. Many Chagossians have expressed feelings of marginalisation from the negotiation process. In the UK, some politicians denounced the deal despite their role in initiating the discussions, highlighting the domestic political complexity surrounding the issue.
The outcomes of the November 2024 elections in Mauritius and the US have further complicated the negotiations’ trajectory. The October agreement, welcomed by the Biden administration, and the governments of the UK, Mauritius, and India, seemed particularly timed to preempt potential disruption from the US election. This strategy, however, has not insulated the deal from political shifts and leaves a fragile consensus amid political uncertainty.
Mauritius Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam promptly signalled that his newly elected government would take a more assertive approach. His concerns over the terms and call for an independent review should help him avoid potential domestic backlash, as seen in controversies surrounding India’s construction of military facilities on the island of Agaléga.
In the US, Donald Trump’s return to power introduces unpredictability. His transactional diplomacy style and willingness to renegotiate agreements based on narrow US interests potentially threaten the sustainability of the current framework.
For India, which has supported Mauritius throughout this dispute, the resolution aligns with its broader strategic alignment with the US. Diego Garcia’s pivotal role in US strategy directly supports India’s regional ambitions, with both countries aiming to counter China’s influence in the Indian Ocean.
Helping broker the Chagos agreement bolsters India’s regional influence. For Mauritius and India, challenging the US presence would risk straining relations at a time when all countries concerned are looking to benefit from enhanced partnerships. For example, the UK has sought a free trade agreement with India for years, and the October agreement removed a significant political barrier in these negotiations.
The Chagos Archipelago negotiations must clear several intricate sovereignty hurdles. The proposed solution involves a ‘triple delegation’ of authority, with the UK, Mauritius and the US. This model raises significant concerns about its practicality, legality, and long-term viability. From a strategic perspective, it appears the likely arrangement disproportionately benefits the US. It grants Washington operational control over Diego Garcia, while Mauritius leases the territory to the UK, which in turn facilitates US military activities.
Agreements governing similar basing arrangements in the past (and which continue in places such as Guantanamo Bay) seldom delineated rights and obligations in a way that safeguarded host country autonomy.
Adding to the complexity, the UK has committed to funding resettlement projects for Mauritius and paying a lease fee for continued use of the islands. This multilayered arrangement risks entangling Mauritius in administrative complexities that could undermine its sovereignty. Mauritius will assume responsibility for managing any asylum seekers who attempt to land on the archipelago once the handover is completed.
However, in the meantime, the UK plans to transfer any asylum seekers arriving on Diego Garcia to its remote Atlantic Ocean territory of St. Helena. The decision is further mired in controversy due to reports of poor living conditions faced by people already stranded on Diego Garcia.
The Exclusive Economic Zone surrounding the Chagos Archipelago adds another layer of complexity. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Mauritius gains access to valuable maritime resources.
However, the coexistence of a major external military base complicates economic activities and vice versa, such as tourism or fishing. These industries often require unobstructed access and freedom from restrictive military zones, and the terms and the extent of the area in which they will apply surrounding Diego Garcia is still to be determined.

Chagos ArchipelagoSource: Wikimedia Commons

Mauritius faces enforcement challenges over its increased area of jurisdiction. External assistance will be essential but may introduce further complexities, particularly regarding the Marine Protected Area to be established and managed with UK assistance.
The Chagos agreement, supported by the US and India, is framed in a broader narrative of reinforcing the rules-based order (RBO). This reflects a broader effort to counter China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean.
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For the UK, resolving the Chagos dispute lifts some of this pressure. It mitigates accusations of hypocrisy that were undermining the credibility of the RBO in matters concerning its relevance to sovereignty, international law, and multilateral cooperation in the South China Sea.
Mauritius’s success in leveraging international legal mechanisms is a crucial reminder of the ever-growing importance of multilateral institutions in resolving disputes. With strong support from the African Union, African states framed the issue as one of decolonisation, applying sustained diplomatic pressure on the UK.
This case arguably demonstrates that there is soft power to be tapped from international law for diplomats from small states to achieve equitable outcomes.
Despite the promise of the agreement, its implementation remains fraught with challenges. Negotiators must address the competing priorities of sovereign control, economic development, environmental preservation and strategic security.
The ultimate success will hinge on the legitimate inclusion of the Chagossian community to ensure justice in the process.
Timothy Walker, Senior Researcher, Maritime, ISS Pretoria
Read the original article on ISS.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 100 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: Africa's Richest Man Aliko Dangote Expected in Zimbabwe for U.S.$1billion Business Tie-Up

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ARGUABLY Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, is scheduled to visit Zimbabwe this week to discuss a US$1 billion deal that straddles across investments in cement, coal mining and power generation.
Dangote’s much expected visit this Wednesday becomes his third after previously similar engagements with Zimbabwean authorities in 2015 and 2018 amid reports he withdrew interest following “absurd” conditions presented by government.
The State media reported that during his visit, the Nigerian billionaire will meet President Emmerson Mnangagwa and other top bureaucrats to cobble details of his envisaged investment plan.
“Discussions are likely to centre around details of the deal, particularly mining concessions, licences, tax issues and other incentives, work permits for experts, security of investment and mutual benefits of the deal,” reported the State-owned Sunday Mail.
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It further said sources privy to the deal say Dangote, who is the group chief executive officer, wishes to set up a cement factory, limestone quarry and grinding plant, coal mine and power station.
“The projects are cumulatively valued between US$800 million and US$1 billion. Special Presidential Investment Adviser to the United Arab Emirates Dr Paul Tungwarara told The Sunday Mail that the businessman was keen to invest in the country.
“We are expecting him on the 12th of November, and he is expected to meet His Excellency, President Mnangagwa. He will then present his investment plan to the President. Thereafter, we will then be able to say and talk about some of the investments he is pursing in Zimbabwe,” the newspaper quoted its source.
Dangote Industries Limited, a Lagos-based diversified conglomerate, has vast business interests in cement, flour, sugar, salt, pasta, beverages, fertiliser, real estate, oil and gas sectors and logistics. Its operations span other critical business interests, including a large oil refinery, a petro-chemical plant and a fertiliser complex in Nigeria. It also has operations in 16 other African countries.
Its largest subsidiary, Dangote Cement, has integrated factories and operations across 10 African countries, namely, Nigeria, Cameroon, Ghana, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, South Africa, Zambia, Tanzania and the Republic of Congo.
Read the original article on New Zimbabwe.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 600 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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Africa: Land Is Africa's Best Hope for Climate Adaptation – It Must Be the Focus At COP30

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Agriculture, forestry and other land uses together account for about 62% of Africa’s greenhouse gas emissions. At the same time, land degradation, deforestation and biodiversity loss are eroding Africa’s resilience.
But land – especially agriculture – has been on the margins of climate change initiatives. Even at the annual global climate change conference, land hasn’t featured much.
This is changing. In September 2025, Africa’s climate community met in Ethiopia, to agree on the continent’s climate priorities ahead of this year’s global climate conference, COP30. They agreed that land could be Africa’s most powerful tool in tackling climate change.
Much will depend on securing finance at COP30 for agroforestry, forest management and soil carbon restoration projects.
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Read more: Climate crisis is a daily reality for many African communities: how to try and protect them
I’ve been researching land for over 20 years. My research focuses on how to sustainably regenerate land, how community forest enterprises can combat deforestation, and how to rebuild forests as a way of combating climate change.
For this reason, I argue that COP30 must place land restoration and sustainable land management at the heart of the climate agenda. It should recognise that healthy soils, forests and ecosystems are not side issues to climate change. They are the very foundation of economic growth and making the world resilient to climate disasters.
Read more: Climate disasters are escalating: 6 ways South Africa’s G20 presidency can lead urgent action
This is especially critical for Africa, whose people and economies depend so heavily on the land. Agriculture alone, which is intrinsically tied to land, employs over two thirds of Africa’s labour force and typically accounts for 30%-40% of gross domestic product. Yet climate change disasters like prolonged droughts, rising temperatures and destructive floods are steadily eroding the land.
Millions of people in Africa could lose their farms, income, food, and future chances if COP30 does not recognise how land, nature, and climate change are all connected.
Why Africa must prioritise land and nature at COP30
Africa’s agriculture, the backbone of most economies on the continent, has been badly affected by more frequent droughts, floods and unpredictable rainfall. As a result, African countries sometimes lose an estimated 1%-2% of their gross domestic product in a year.
Over half of Africa’s population depends on crops that are fed only by rain. Therefore, extreme weather events hit the majority of Africans directly. At the same time, nearly half of the continent’s land area is degraded.
Read more: Indigenous knowledge systems can be useful tools in the G20’s climate change kit
This affects agricultural productivity and the livelihoods of around 500 million people.
Forest ecosystems such as the Congo Basin, the Guinean forests and Africa’s dryland forests are disappearing rapidly. This is already having devastating consequences for communities that rely on them for food, fuel and income.
Africa must negotiate climate finance with one voice
Adapting to climate change remains Africa’s most urgent priority. The good news is that African countries are already deploying land based actions (adaptation and using land to sequester carbon and reduce emissions) as a weapon against climate change. They are achieving this by expanding agroforestry, restoring wetlands and managing grasslands more sustainably.
This boosts soil health and increases the carbon stored in the ground. These projects are very useful in cutting greenhouse gas emissions, protecting livelihoods and building resilience.
The September 2025 second Africa Climate Summit made the continental emphasis on land official. Its Addis Ababa declaration placed land and nature-based solutions at the centre of Africa’s climate agenda. This was a step forward from Africa’s 2023 climate summit declaration, which made only passing references to land.
Read more: African countries shouldn’t have to borrow money to fix climate damage they never caused – economist
What’s needed now is for Africa to unite and focus on three key climate change areas:
What Africa needs to do at COP30
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Read more: African countries gear up for major push on climate innovation, climate financing and climate change laws
Peter Akong Minang, Director Africa, CIFOR-ICRAF, Center for International Forestry Research – World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF)
This article is republished from The Conversation Africa under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: African Union Commission Welcomes and Congratulates the Republic of South Africa As G20 Chair and Host

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1. The African Union Commission (AUC) warmly expresses its support for the Republic of South Africa as G20 Chair and welcomes the country for hosting the G20 Summit in Africa for the first time. This milestone reflects South Africa’s growing role in global governance.
2. As the current Chair of the G20, South Africa has shown exceptional leadership in promoting the priorities of the Global South, advancing sustainable development, and strengthening inclusive global governance.
3. The Republic of South Africa is a vibrant democracy that upholds equality, human rights, and the rule of law. Its Constitution and policies reflect values aligned with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
4. South Africa is a nation rich in diversity, home to people of many races, cultures, languages, and faiths living together in unity. This inclusivity is a source of national strength and global admiration.
5. The African Union encourages all international partners to engage with South Africa and the wider African continent on the basis of mutual respect, truth, and constructive cooperation, supporting Africa’s continued contribution to global peace, development, and prosperity.
Read the original article on African Union.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
Articles and commentaries that identify allAfrica.com as the publisher are produced or commissioned by AllAfrica. To address comments or complaints, please Contact us.
AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 600 news and information items daily from over 110 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.
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