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Africa: Africa Must Prepare for Trump's Comeback

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How will Donald Trump’s second-term policies affect US relations with the continent?
President Joe Biden’s recent trip to Angola – the first state visit by a United States (US) president in nine years – has highlighted America’s renewed engagement with Africa. But as Donald Trump prepares for his second term in office, questions arise about the future of US-Africa relations, and whether this engagement will continue.
Trump’s first term, characterised by an inward-focused ‘America First’ agenda, showed the need for Africa to recalibrate its strategies – particularly in key geopolitical and security engagements. Several critical issues at bilateral, regional and continental levels will be impacted by his second-term policies and the priorities of his inner circle.
Trump’s return presents African countries with an opportunity to take a proactive stance in shaping their political and economic relations with the US and developing resilient strategies instead of reacting to shifting US policies.
Key bilateral relationships, particularly between the US and South Africa, are expected to shift – stemming from US opposition to South Africa’s International Court of Justice (ICJ) case against Israel over Gaza, and the country’s close ties with China and Russia.
In particular, South Africa’s neutral position on the Russia-Ukraine war will be a point of tension in a second Trump presidency. The president is also opposed to South Africa’s growing partnership with China, which is amplified by China’s efforts to direct global trade away from the US and BRICS’ attempt at de-dollarisation, a move criticised by Trump.
Notable figures in Trump’s camp will also likely affect US-South Africa relations. For example, Senator Marco Rubio, the presumptive Secretary of State and a strong critic of China condemned South Africa’s decision to downgrade Taiwan’s embassy.
Trump’s pick for UN Ambassador, Elise Stefanik, was part of a petition condemning South Africa’s ICJ case against Israel, calling it an attempt to ‘demonize‘ Israel. Michael Waltz led a push to review US-South Africa ties, a move Biden resisted, but with Waltz as Trump’s pick for National Security Advisor, it could gain momentum.
South Africa assumed the G20 chair on 1 December and will host the 2025 Johannesburg summit. The country now faces a dual challenge of maintaining neutrality while addressing growing geopolitical divisions – seeking to build consensus among G20 members and an expanded BRICS group while managing a more isolationist US under Trump’s leadership.
This also presents an opportunity for Pretoria to spotlight African priorities on the global stage, especially with the African Union (AU), now a full member of the G20. With the US succeeding South Africa as chair, this transition could pave the way for a possible Cyril Ramaphosa-Trump engagement within the year, offering a critical window for dialogue and potential recalibration of relations.
In East Africa, Kenya’s newly elevated status as a major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (MN-NATO) ally could offer Nairobi some bargaining chips in the international space. Despite Trump’s America First policy and negative views on NATO, he may temper his approach by focusing on strategic bilateral partnerships with MN-NATO allies, like Kenya.
The new US administration will probably continue its security relations in East Africa and the Horn – largely due to Rubio’s visit to Kenya and Somalia in 2019, part of a bipartisan oversight mission for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.
Furthermore, because of the declining US security influence in West Africa, resulting from successive coups and the subsequent expulsion of US troops from Niger, maintaining the security partnership with Kenya is expected to remain a priority.
And given the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti, US-Kenya bilateral engagements might move the needle towards securing commitment to America’s over US$300 million funding pledge to the mission. Although this would be a tall order given the Trump camp’s reluctance to fund the UN, and peacekeeping in particular – despite the US proposing the resolution to replace the Kenyan-led MSS with a UN mission.
Trump’s preference is for strategic partners to take up more of the burden without the US overextending its resources – so Kenya must look beyond the US for support.
On the regional front, perhaps the most contentious area is the Horn of Africa. The controversial Project 2025 document of proposals produced by the conservative Heritage Foundation chapter on the State Department includes the recognition of Somaliland as a hedge against China’s growing influence in Djibouti.
This aligns with former Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Tibor Nagy, who served in Trump’s first term and advocated for its recognition. Although denied by Trump, Project 2025 is predominantly written by key former Trump officials, including the State Department chapter author, Kiron K Skinner. Supporting this are optimistic statements of Somaliland recognition from former UK defence secretary Gavin Williamson after discussions with Trump’s policy leads.
This could complicate US-Somalia and US-Ethiopia relations, as it will intensify brewing tensions over Ethiopia’s Red Sea access deal with Somaliland, much to the chagrin of Somalia, which has sought alliances with Egypt and Eritrea to counter them. Whether this is followed through will be crucial in determining the success of the AU’s Ethiopia-Somalia mediation efforts.
On a continental level, how the US responds to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform proposals will matter to Africa. Current UN Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield has expressed support for Africa securing a permanent seat (albeit without veto) on the UNSC. Will the Trump administration continue this momentum?
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Given Trump’s first-term attempts at defunding the UN and preference for bilateral over multilateral relations, momentum for UNSC reform in Africa’s favour will unlikely increase under Trump’s second term. Regardless, Africa must address its internal divisions on how the two seats outlined in the Ezulwini Consensus will be allocated.
A more consequential area facing US-Africa relations would be the US’s position and contribution to UNSC Resolution 2719, a mechanism designed to fund AU-led peace support operations (PSOs). America is the largest contributor to UN PSOs, at 27% of the 2023-24 US$6.1-billion budget. Within months of Trump’s first term, the US successfully lobbied to reduce the UN peacekeeping budget by US$600million, although they aimed for an initial US$1billion reduction.
Although the resolution will be maintained, the case-by-case basis on which authorisation must be supported might present a significant challenge for Africa. UNSC discussions on implementation of 2719 in Somalia, for example, attract a strong negative US pushback.
Whether Trump maintains America’s renewed focus on Africa will depend on aligning US and African interests – despite their diversity – and Washington’s push to counter Russia and China’s growing influence. Regardless of the US’s policy trajectory, Africa must be prepared.
Emmaculate A Liaga, Researcher, ISS Addis Ababa
Zenge Simakoloyi, Research Intern, Africa Peace and Security Governance, ISS
Read the original article on ISS.
AllAfrica publishes around 600 reports a day from more than 100 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Africa: Senegal Coach Diallo – 'We Are Not Overwhelmed By the Pressure of Champions'

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Successor to Pape Thiaw, the man who led Senegal to the title of African champion at the TotalEnergies CHAN 2022 in Algeria, Souleymane Diallo now bears the responsibility of defending the continental crown.
A few weeks before the kick-off of the 2024 TotalEnergies CAF African Nations Championship (CHAN) to be played in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania from 1-28 February, he shares his state of mind, his team’s preparations and the challenges of this new edition.
With a wealth of experience on the continental stage, Diallo is aware of the expectations placed on him and his squad, which is largely made up of new faces.
In this exclusive interview, he talks about the pressure of being the title holder and the strategic importance of the CHAN for domestic football. The challenge is immense, but Diallo approaches this competition with serenity and a plan, ready to write a new chapter in the history of Senegalese football.
CAFOnline: What is your state of mind a few weeks before the start of the 2024 TotalEnergies CAF African Nations Championship?
Souleymane Diallo: I have a very good state of mind overall. I think the boys are aware of what is at stake in this competition, but we must not put ourselves under pressure. For me, the most important thing is the first game. We will have to approach it with a very good state of mind, a very good mentality, but above all an African mentality which consists of being serene first and identifying the obstacles we need to tackle.
How are your preparations going?
Overall, very good. The program plan that we have drawn up is proceeding normally. Now, we are in our 14th week, more precisely, including the preparation phases for the qualifiers. From Monday (13 January), we will take the boys in closed groups. We will stay there until the start of the competition. We will have a training camp in a country bordering the three host countries (Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania).
Senegal is the title holder. Does this add extra pressure?
No, no pressure! I am used to saying that. Pressure is important in all things. Most importantly, the source of the pressure must first be identified. If you identify the source of the pressure and you identify the nature of the pressure, for me, right now, there’s no more pressure, but there’s situational awareness. It’s true that Senegal is African champion, but don’t forget that the African champion squad is not the same squad as we have at the moment. We only have two survivors (Serigné Koita and Aboudoulaye Dieng). So, we will have to analyse strongly. Does Senegal come with its African champions or does Senegal come with the title of African champion? We have to point out the nuanced difference between these two. But what is most important, we will come to approach this competition in the best possible way, while not hiding our coat as African champions. On the contrary, this awareness of our African champion mantle pushes us to have a much more cautious approach, a much more serene approach.
Why is the CHAN an important competition in your eyes?
The CHAN is a very important competition. I usually tell journalists that. Already, the CHAN reflects the level of competition of the nation itself. Today, the characteristic of the CHAN is that it takes into account players playing in their local championship. Today, I tell my colleagues that we represent the championship itself, the Senegalese championship, because the CHAN will reflect the level of the Senegalese league. That’s why, for me, it’s a special competition, a very important competition.
You were the coach of the Senegalese team at the African Games. How has this pan-African, continental experience been useful to you and will it serve you well for the CHAN?
I think that today, I have a little African experience. This pan-African experience will serve as a support for us to be able to approach this competition. I have had the opportunity to do several African and world competitions. Three Junior World Cups, three Junior African Cups, two African Games. I think we will base ourselves on these experiences, on these African competitions, to be able to approach this competition in the most serene way possible.
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Apart from Senegal, which teams can lift the trophy?
Today, it will be very, very difficult to say about the teams. You will of course agree with me that in Africa, all the teams are improving. The teams are very, very, very rigorous, both in terms of the training approach, but also in terms of management, because sporting performance is made up of two essential parameters. There are external factors and internal factors. In Africa, people are starting to work, to take these two factors into account. Previously, we were limited to the internal factors of performance. Today, most African teams work on their environment. So it will be very difficult, bordering on suicidal, to want to predict the potential winners.
The TotalEnergies CAF African Nations Championship 2024 (CHAN) Plane is almost ready to take off. βœˆοΈπŸ‘€ pic.twitter.com/w7DwqMelUA— CAF_Online (@CAF_Online) December 31, 2024
Read the original article on CAF.
Will Kenyans Be Allowed Free Entry At CHAN?
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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Govt Refutes Claims of Zambia’s Blacklisting from UN Human Rights Council

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By Mary Kachepa

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has dismissed media reports suggesting that Zambia has been blacklisted from the United Nations Human Rights Council for alleged failure to uphold human rights standards. The Ministry clarified that the UN General Assembly has not considered nor adopted any resolution for the suspension or removal of Zambia from the Council because the country is currently not holding a seat at the Council.

Permanent Secretary in charge of International Relations and Cooperation, Etambuyu Gundersen, stated that Zambia intends to contest for a seat on the Council at the UN General Assembly elections in 2026 under the African States Region quota for SADC.

Ms. Gundersen told journalists at a media briefing hosted by the Ministry of Information and Media in Lusaka that the Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression is expected in the country on January 19 at the invitation of the government.

She noted that Zambia was among the inaugural members to serve on the Human Rights Council when it was established from 2006 to 2008.

Ms. Gundersen explained that the Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body under the United Nations that comprises 47 member states elected by a majority vote of the UN General Assembly to serve for three years on a rotational basis. She further explained that countries are not eligible for immediate re-election after serving two consecutive terms.

Ms. Gundersen described as false an article published by the Daily Nation Newspaper that the United Nations has sanctioned Zambia for rights violations. She advised that while freedom of expression is a constitutional right, it must be exercised within the limits and confines of the law.

The post Govt Refutes Claims of Zambia’s Blacklisting from UN Human Rights Council appeared first on ZNBC-Just for you.

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Africa: CAF Confederation Cup – Enyimba's Quarterfinal Hopes Under Threat After Al Masry Draw

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The result leaves the two-time African champions in a precarious position, needing a win against group leaders Zamalek in their final match to have any chance of progressing to the quarterfinals
Nigeria Premier League side Enyimba are teetering on the brink of elimination from the CAF Confederation Cup.
This follows their 1-1 draw against Egyptian club Al Masry in their penultimate Group D fixture at the Godswill Akpabio International Stadium in Uyo on Sunday.
The result leaves the two-time African champions in a precarious position, needing a win against group leaders Zamalek in their final match to progress to the quarterfinals.
Even a victory might not suffice, as their fate also hinges on bottom-placed Black Bulls denying Al Masry a win in their last group-stage encounter.
Match summary
The visitors, Al Masry, took an early lead in the 7th minute through Mohamed Hashem, capitalising on a defensive lapse by the People’s Elephant. Despite Enyimba’s spirited efforts to find a response, they went into halftime trailing 1-0.
The second half started with renewed intensity from Enyimba, and their persistence paid off just two minutes after the restart. Ifeanyi Ihemekwele headed home a sublime equaliser, much to the home crowd’s delight.
Goalkeeper Ani Ozoemena emerged as the night’s hero, pulling off a series of crucial saves, including a penalty stop in the 68th minute, to keep Enyimba in the contest.
However, despite dominating possession and creating chances, the Nigerian side failed to find the winner that could have bolstered their quarterfinal aspirations.
Group D standings
After five rounds of matches, Zamalek have already secured their place in the quarterfinals, sitting comfortably atop the group with 11 points.
Al Masry, with six points, occupy second place and only need a victory against the Black Bulls to advance.
NPFL: Ideye strikes again as Enyimba edge past Nasarawa United
Enyimba, currently third with five points, face a daunting trip to Egypt for their final group game, where they must not only beat Zamalek but also rely on a favourable result in the other group fixture.
What’s next?
Enyimba face a do-or-die clash against Zamalek in Egypt, needing both a win and a stroke of luck in the other Group D match to keep their Confederation Cup dreams alive. Meanwhile, Al Masry will aim to seal their qualification with a win over the Black Bulls.
The stakes couldn’t be higher for the People’s Elephant as they prepare for their most critical game of the tournament.
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Team Lineups
Enyimba
Ani Ozoemena; Innocent Gabriel, Joseph Atule, Elijah Akanni, Nweke Kalu (Fatai Abdullahi 81′); Uwana Asuquo, Somiari Alalibo (Paschal Eze 80′), Chikamso Okechukwu; Divine Ukadike, Ekene Awazie (Brown Ideye 59′), Ifeanyi Ihemekwele (Bernard Ovoke 87′).
Al Masry:
Mahmoud Gad; Ahmed Eid, Mohamed Hashem, Khaled Sobhi, Hassan Ali; Samadou (Mohamed Makhlouf 32′), Mahmoud Hamada (Youssef El Gohary 78′), Khaled El-Ghandour (Karim Bambou 78′); Mohamed El-Shami, Fakhreddine Ben Youssef (Abdelrrehim Daghmoum 61′), Salah Mohsen.
Read the original article on Premium Times.
AllAfrica publishes around 500 reports a day from more than 110 news organizations and over 500 other institutions and individuals, representing a diversity of positions on every topic. We publish news and views ranging from vigorous opponents of governments to government publications and spokespersons. Publishers named above each report are responsible for their own content, which AllAfrica does not have the legal right to edit or correct.
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